Timothy McVeigh
Timothy McVeigh was driving on Interstate 35 in Noble County, Oklahoma, when state trooper Charles J. Hanger noticed his yellow 1977 Mercury Marquis had no license plate. Hanger also noticed a bulge under the driver's jacket. McVeigh admitted he was carrying a gun, and the trooper arrested him for the missing plate and the illegal firearm. Hanger had no idea who he had just detained. Shortly before, a bomb had torn through a federal building in Oklahoma City. It remains the deadliest act of domestic terrorism in American history. This documentary follows the man in that car. Who was he before that morning? What did he believe, and who stood beside him? How did a routine traffic stop become the end of a nationwide manhunt? And why did he later refuse to fight his own death sentence?
Timothy James McVeigh was born on the 23rd of April 1968 in Lockport, New York. He was the only son and the second of three children. His parents, Noreen Mildred "Mickey" Hill and William McVeigh, were Irish American. Edward McVeigh, his great-great-grandfather, had emigrated from Ireland in 1866 and settled in Niagara County. When Timothy was ten, his parents divorced, and his father raised him in Pendleton, New York.
Most people who knew him remembered a shy, withdrawn boy. A few described a playful, outgoing child who pulled inward as a teenager. He later told journalists that he had only one girlfriend. Whenever he tried to impress women, he said, he always said the wrong thing.
On a Commodore 64, he hacked into government computer systems under the handle The Wanderer, borrowed from a song by Dion DiMucci. In his senior year, Starpoint Central High School named him most promising computer programmer. Classmates also voted him "Most Talkative" as a joke, since he hardly spoke. His grades stayed relatively poor until he graduated in 1986.
His grandfather introduced him to firearms. McVeigh told people he wanted to own a gun shop, and he sometimes took guns to school to impress classmates. After graduation he became intensely interested in gun rights and the Second Amendment, reading magazines such as Soldier of Fortune. He briefly attended Bryant & Stratton College, then dropped out and worked as an armored car guard. One co-worker remembered him arriving in bandoliers, "looking like Pancho Villa."
In May 1988, at the age of 20, McVeigh enlisted in the United States Army. He trained at the Infantry School at Fort Benning, Georgia, and spent much of his spare time reading about firearms, sniper tactics and explosives. During this period he mailed $20 to the Ku Klux Klan for a trial membership. He said a pamphlet on gun rights had impressed him and that he knew little of the group's other beliefs. He wanted the "White Power" T-shirt that came with membership, because he saw a double standard: black servicemen could wear "Black Power" shirts on base. He claimed he never wore it but offered no apology. After a year he let the membership lapse, having concluded that the Klan was more racist than anti-government.
At Fort Benning his platoon guide was Terry Nichols. The two men bonded over similar backgrounds, gun collecting and survivalism. Both were later stationed at Fort Riley, near Junction City, Kansas, where they befriended Michael Fortier.
McVeigh became a top-scoring gunner on the M242 25mm cannon of the Bradley Fighting Vehicles used by the 1st Infantry Division, and he was promoted to sergeant. After the promotion, he gained a reputation for handing the worst jobs to black servicemen and for using derogatory language. Talk spread around the base that he was a racist. Then he deployed for Operation Desert Storm. In an interview before his execution, he said he hit an Iraqi tank from more than 500 yards on his first day, and the Iraqis surrendered. He also said he was shocked by the carnage on the road as he left Kuwait City. His awards included the Bronze Star Medal and the Kuwaiti Liberation Medal.
The Special Forces were his next goal. After returning from the Gulf, he entered the 21-day selection course but withdrew on the second day. He told other recruits he had hurt an ankle. In a letter to his superiors, however, he wrote that he was not "physically ready." He left the Army with an honorable discharge in 1991. Nichols and Fortier, the two friends he made on those bases, would both return to his story.
In 1992, the Lockport Union-Sun & Journal printed a letter from McVeigh about taxes. He called them a joke that would always rise, then asked whether a civil war was imminent and whether blood would have to be shed to reform the system. He added that he hoped it would not come to that. "But it might," he wrote.
Representative John J. LaFalce of New York received a letter too. McVeigh complained that a woman had been arrested for carrying mace, and he argued that firearms restrictions were already bad enough.
His claims grew stranger over time. Friends heard him say that the Army had implanted a microchip in his buttocks so the government could track him. In a letter to Jennifer McVeigh dated the 20th of October 1993, he alleged that at Fort Bragg he and nine others were told they might be asked to help the CIA fly drugs into the country. He warned her that sharing this could endanger his life.
His private life was drifting. McVeigh worked long hours at a dead-end job and felt he had no home. A co-worker rejected his advances, and he grew nervous around women. He took up obsessive gambling, borrowed a cash advance, and defaulted on repayment. He raged when the government told him he had been overpaid $1,058 during his Army service and must repay it. He wrote back telling the government to take everything he owned.
He introduced his sister to antigovernment literature, but his father showed little interest. McVeigh moved out of his father's house into an apartment without a telephone, which made it impossible for his employer to reach him for overtime. He also quit the National Rifle Association, believing it too weak on gun rights. Meanwhile he searched for a low-tax state where he could live free of heavy regulation.
In 1993, McVeigh drove to Waco, Texas, to show support during the siege. He handed out pro-gun literature and bumper stickers reading, "When guns are outlawed, I will become an outlaw." Michelle Rauch, a senior journalism major at Southern Methodist University writing for the student paper, interviewed him there. He told her the government feared armed citizens because it wanted control of people at all times. He said he believed the country was slowly turning socialist.
For five months after the siege, he worked gun shows and handed out free cards bearing the name and address of Lon Horiuchi, an FBI sniper. He hoped someone in the Patriot movement would assassinate the man. Horiuchi's role at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, in 1992 was controversial; he shot and killed Randy Weaver's wife, Vicki Weaver, while she held an infant. McVeigh also sent Horiuchi hate mail suggesting that "what goes around, comes around."
McVeigh became a fixture of the gun show circuit, visiting about eighty shows across forty states. He noticed that antigovernment sentiment grew stronger the farther west he traveled, until he reached what he called "The People's Socialist Republic of California." He sold survival items and copies of The Turner Diaries. One author wrote that in gun show culture McVeigh found a home. He stayed skeptical of the wildest ideas but liked talking about the United Nations and threats to American liberty.
For a time he lived in Kingman, Arizona, with Michael Fortier, and he served as best man at Fortier's wedding. He had marked a road atlas with likely nuclear targets and considered buying land in Seligman, Arizona, which he judged a "nuclear-free zone." He tried cannabis and methamphetamine after reading up on their effects, though he never cared for drugs as Fortier did. His friend's drug habits were one reason the two parted ways, but Fortier was not gone from his story for long.
In April 1993, McVeigh headed for a Michigan farm where his former roommate Terry Nichols lived. Between watching television coverage of the Waco siege, Nichols and his brother James taught him to make explosives from household chemicals in plastic jugs. The fiery end of the Waco compound enraged McVeigh and convinced him it was time to act. He was especially angered by the use of CS gas on women and children. He knew the gas from military training and understood its effects. When evidence vanished, including the bullet-riddled, steel-reinforced front door of the complex, he suspected a cover-up.
His rhetoric hardened. He sold ATF hats riddled with bullet holes, along with a flare gun he said could shoot down an "ATF helicopter." He produced videos about Waco and handed out pamphlets with titles like "U.S. Government Initiates Open Warfare Against American People." Every couple of weeks he changed his answering machine greeting to a new line from Patrick Henry, such as "Give me liberty or give me death." He began experimenting with pipe bombs and other small devices. New firearms restrictions arrived in 1994, and he believed they threatened his livelihood.
A 23-page farewell letter ended his friendship with boyhood friend Steve Hodge. In it McVeigh explained, sentence by sentence, what the Declaration of Independence meant to him. He wrote that those who betray the Constitution are guilty of treason and should be punished. He also predicted bloodshed: "Blood will flow in the streets, Steve."
He liked to inspect rumored conspiracies in person. At Area 51 he defied government restrictions on photography. At Gulfport, Mississippi, he went to check rumors about United Nations operations, only to learn they were false: the Russian vehicles there were being configured for humanitarian aid. Around then, McVeigh and Nichols began buying ammonium nitrate, an agricultural fertilizer, in bulk. They planned to resell it to survivalists, because rumors said the government might ban it.
McVeigh told Michael Fortier he planned to blow up a federal building. Fortier declined to take part, but he told his wife. McVeigh wrote two letters to the ATF, titled "Constitutional Defenders" and "ATF Read." In them he called officials "fascist tyrants" and "storm troopers." To recruit a customer named Steve Colbern, he wrote, "I'm not looking for talkers, I'm looking for fighters." He told friends he had moved from the "propaganda" phase to the "action" phase. To Gwenda Strider, a friend in Michigan, he wrote of "certain other 'militant' talents" in short supply.
McVeigh later said he weighed a campaign of individual assassinations. The list of eligible targets included Attorney General Janet Reno, Judge Walter S. Smith Jr., who handled the Branch Davidian trial, and Horiuchi. He wanted Reno to accept responsibility "in deed, not just words." Such killings seemed too difficult. Federal agents had become soldiers, he reasoned, so he should hit their command centers. According to his authorized biography, he concluded that bombing a federal building would make the loudest statement. For a while he considered setting aside the Murrah Building plan to target Horiuchi or a member of his family instead. After the bombing, he was ambivalent about the deaths he caused. In letters to his hometown newspaper, he sometimes wished he had carried out assassinations of police and officials instead.
At a lakeside campground near his old Army post, McVeigh and Nichols built an ANFO explosive device in the back of a rented Ryder truck. The mixture held about 5,000 pounds of ammonium nitrate and nitromethane.
On the 19th of April 1995, McVeigh drove the truck to the front of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building just as its offices opened for the day. Before arriving, he stopped to light a two-minute fuse. At 09:02, a huge explosion destroyed the north half of the building. It killed 168 people, including 19 children in the second-floor day care center, and injured 684 others. A rescue worker was later killed when debris struck her head, which raises some counts to 169.
The Oklahoma City Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism reported more than 300 buildings damaged in the city. More than 12,000 volunteers and rescue workers joined the rescue, recovery and support operations that followed.
The day care center became the most disputed detail. McVeigh said he had not known it was there and might have chosen another target if he had. Nichols said the two men knew about it and did not care.
Lou Michel and Dan Herbeck, McVeigh's biographers, interviewed him for a total of 75 hours. About the victims, he told them: "To these people in Oklahoma who have lost a loved one, I'm sorry but it happens every day." In a 2000 interview, Ed Bradley of 60 Minutes asked about the nineteen children. McVeigh answered, "I thought it was terrible that there were children in the building."
When people suggested others had helped him, he borrowed a line from the film A Few Good Men: "You can't handle the truth!" He added, "Because the truth is, I blew up the Murrah Building and isn't it kind of scary that one man could wreak this kind of hell?" Investigators and later witnesses would test his claim that he alone deserved the blame.
A rear axle in the wreckage carried a vehicle identification number, and by tracing it the FBI identified a Ryder box truck rented in Junction City, Kansas. Workers at the rental agency helped an FBI artist sketch the renter, who had used the alias "Robert Kling." Lea McGown, manager of the local Dreamland Motel, looked at the sketch and named Timothy McVeigh.
The shirt he wore when arrested carried its own message. The front showed Abraham Lincoln with the motto sic semper tyrannis, or "Thus always to tyrants," the words attributed to John Wilkes Booth. The back showed a tree with three drops of blood and a Thomas Jefferson line about the tree of liberty being refreshed with the blood of patriots and tyrants. His concealed weapon permit was not valid in Oklahoma. Three days later, authorities identified him as the subject of the nationwide manhunt.
On the 10th of August 1995, McVeigh was indicted on 11 federal counts. They included conspiracy to use a weapon of mass destruction, use of such a weapon, destruction with explosives, and eight counts of first degree murder for the deaths of law enforcement officers. On the 20th of February 1996, the court moved the case from Oklahoma City to Denver, under District Judge Richard Paul Matsch.
McVeigh told his lawyers to argue necessity, but they ultimately did not. The defense would have required proof that he faced "imminent danger" from the government. He argued that "imminent" did not have to mean "immediate." The theory held that the bombing answered the government's crimes at Waco, where a 51-day siege of the Branch Davidian complex killed 76 Branch Davidians. His lawyers did show the jury the controversial video Waco, the Big Lie.
On the 2nd of June 1997, the jury found McVeigh guilty on all 11 counts. Murder charges covered only the eight federal agents on duty. The other 160 deaths fell under Oklahoma's jurisdiction. After the verdict he tried to calm his mother by asking her to imagine that he was away in the Army again, on an assignment.
On the 13th of June, the jury recommended the death penalty. Before Judge Matsch pronounced sentence, McVeigh addressed the court for the first time. He read words from Justice Louis Brandeis's dissent in Olmstead v. United States, saying the government teaches the whole people by its example. Then he said, "That's all I have." Because he had been sentenced to death, Oklahoma never filed murder charges for the other 160 deaths.
Photocopies of pages sixty-one and sixty-two of The Turner Diaries were found in an envelope inside McVeigh's car. Those pages describe a fictional mortar attack on the U.S. Capitol. The book is a white supremacist novel, and McVeigh often quoted it. He said he appreciated its interest in firearms.
A handwritten essay of about 1,200 words, dated March 1998, came out of the federal maximum-security prison at Florence, Colorado. In it McVeigh called the bombing "morally equivalent" to U.S. military actions against Iraq and other foreign countries. The magazine Media Bypass published it, and the Associated Press distributed it worldwide on the 29th of May 1998. It appeared during the 1998 Iraq disarmament crisis, a few months before Operation Desert Fox.
On the 26th of April 2001, he wrote Fox News a letter titled "I Explain Herein Why I Bombed the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City." He had also read the 1996 novel Unintended Consequences. He said that had it appeared a few years earlier, he would have seriously considered using sniper attacks in a war of attrition instead.
Terry Nichols was convicted in federal court and sentenced to life in prison. He is held at ADX Florence in Colorado. At his trial, several central Kansas residents, including real estate agent Georgia Rucker and a retired Army NCO, testified about two trucks at Geary Lake State Park. Prosecutors alleged that the bomb was assembled there. The retired NCO said he visited on the 18th of April 1995 but left after surly men looked at him aggressively. The Dreamland Motel operator testified that two Ryder trucks sat outside her Grandview Plaza motel. McVeigh stayed in Room 26 there the weekend before the bombing.
Michael and Lori Fortier were also treated as accomplices because they knew in advance. Michael helped McVeigh scout the federal building. Lori helped laminate the fake driver's license used to rent the truck. Michael agreed to testify against McVeigh and Nichols in exchange for a reduced sentence and immunity for his wife. On the 27th of May 1998, he was sentenced to twelve years in prison and fined $75,000 for failing to warn authorities. On the 20th of January 2006, he was released for good behavior into the Witness Protection Program with a new identity.
Carol Howe, an ATF informant, told reporters she had warned her handlers shortly before the bombing that guests at Elohim City, Oklahoma, a private community, were planning a major attack. McVeigh was issued a speeding ticket there around that time. Beyond that ticket, there is no evidence linking him to the Midwest Bank Robbers at Elohim City. Some witnesses claimed to have seen a second suspect, and authorities searched for a "John Doe #2," but none was ever found.
On the 8th of March 1999, the Supreme Court of the United States denied one of McVeigh's appeals for certiorari. His request for a nationally televised execution was also refused. Entertainment Network Inc., an Internet company producing adult-themed websites, sued for the right to broadcast it and lost.
At USP Florence ADMAX, McVeigh and Nichols lived on a cell block known as "bomber's row." Ted Kaczynski, Luis Felipe and Ramzi Yousef were housed there too. Yousef repeatedly tried to convert McVeigh to Islam, without success.
In 1999 the Federal Bureau of Prisons moved McVeigh to the federal death row at USP Terre Haute in Indiana. He dropped his remaining appeals, saying he would rather die than spend his life in prison. On the 16th of January 2001, the Bureau set his execution for the 16th of May. He said his only regret was not destroying the federal building completely. Six days before that date, the FBI handed thousands of documents it had previously withheld to his attorneys. Attorney General John Ashcroft then announced a one-month stay, and the new date became the 11th of June.
McVeigh had been raised Roman Catholic, and he was confirmed at Good Shepherd Church in Pendleton in 1985. In a 1996 interview he professed belief in "a God" but said he had lost touch with Catholicism. His biography American Terrorist, released in 2002, records that he did not believe in hell and called science his religion. The day before the execution he wrote to The Buffalo News and called himself agnostic. If an afterlife existed, he wrote, he would "improvise, adapt and overcome." He also described his objective as state-assisted suicide. Even so, he received last rites from a priest, Father Charles Smith.
His last meal was two pints of mint chocolate chip ice cream. For his final written statement he chose "Invictus," the 1875 poem by William Ernest Henley. Asked for a spoken statement, he declined. Jay Sawyer, a relative of one victim, wrote, "Without saying a word, he got the final word." Larry Whicher, whose brother died in the attack, saw a blank, expressionless stare. McVeigh was executed by lethal injection at 7:14 a.m. on the 11th of June 2001. He was the first person executed by the federal government since Victor Feguer in Iowa on the 15th of March 1963.
He objected to an autopsy on "religious, ethical and philosophical" grounds, and the authorities honored his wish. Psychiatrist John Smith judged him a decent person who let rage build until he lashed out in one terrible act. His IQ was assessed at 126. After the execution, officials used a decoy hearse to avoid a possible ambush of the motorcade.
President Bill Clinton had already signed S. 923 on the 21st of November 1997. Introduced by Senator Arlen Specter, it barred veterans convicted of capital crimes from burial in military cemeteries. McVeigh's body was cremated at Mattox Ryan Funeral Home in Terre Haute, and his lawyer received the ashes. The lawyer said their final destination would remain privileged forever. McVeigh had written that he considered having them scattered at the memorial site where the building once stood, then rejected the idea as "too vengeful, too raw, too cold."
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Common questions
Who was Timothy McVeigh?
Timothy McVeigh was an American domestic terrorist, born on the 23rd of April 1968 in Lockport, New York. He carried out the Oklahoma City bombing on the 19th of April 1995, the deadliest act of domestic terrorism in U.S. history.
What did Timothy McVeigh do in the Oklahoma City bombing?
Timothy McVeigh drove a rented Ryder truck holding about 5,000 pounds of ammonium nitrate and nitromethane to the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. The blast at 09:02 destroyed the north half of the building, killed 168 people including 19 children, and injured 684.
Why did Timothy McVeigh bomb the Murrah Federal Building?
Timothy McVeigh said the bombing was revenge against the federal government for the Waco siege in 1993 and the Ruby Ridge incident in 1992. He also hoped to inspire a revolution against the government.
How was Timothy McVeigh caught?
Timothy McVeigh was stopped by State Trooper Charles J. Hanger on Interstate 35 near Perry, Oklahoma, for driving without a license plate, and was arrested for carrying an illegal firearm. Meanwhile the FBI traced a rear axle from the wreckage to a Ryder truck rented in Junction City, Kansas, and a motel manager identified McVeigh from a sketch.
Who helped Timothy McVeigh carry out the bombing?
Terry Nichols helped build the bomb and was sentenced to life in prison. Michael and Lori Fortier knew about the plan, and Michael was sentenced to twelve years in prison after testifying against McVeigh and Nichols.
When was Timothy McVeigh executed?
Timothy McVeigh was executed by lethal injection at 7:14 a.m. on the 11th of June 2001 at the federal prison in Terre Haute, Indiana. He was the first person executed by the federal government since Victor Feguer on the 15th of March 1963.
What was Timothy McVeigh's military background?
Timothy McVeigh enlisted in the U.S. Army in May 1988 and served as a Bradley Fighting Vehicle gunner in the 1st Infantry Division. He was promoted to sergeant, fought in Operation Desert Storm, earned a Bronze Star Medal, and was honorably discharged in 1991.
All sources
111 references cited across the entry
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- 33Michel, Herbeck 2002 pp. 136–14-
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- 36Imitating TurnerTed Ottley — TruTv
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- 38McVeigh Considered Assassinating Reno, Other OfficialsKuwait News Agency — April 27, 2001
- 39NewsMcVeigh 'wanted to kill US attorney general'April 28, 2001
- 40NewsMcVeigh Says He Considered Killing RenoSusan Saulny — April 27, 2001
- 41Ready for execution, McVeigh says he's sorry for deathsThe Oklahoman — June 9, 2001
- 42See Michel and Herbeck; cf. Walsh:
- 43BookPerpetual War for Perpetual PeaceGore Vidal — Clairview — 2002
- 45NewsProsecutor Paints McVeigh As 'Twisted' U.S. TerroristApril 25, 1997
- 46McVeigh Vents On '60 Minutes'CBS News — March 13, 2000
- 47News'No Sympathy' for Dead Children, McVeigh SaysJo Thomas — March 29, 2001
- 48MagazineOklahoma City: The Weight Of EvidenceJames Collins — April 27, 1997
- 49License Tag SnagTed Ottley — TruTv
- 53Count 1: "conspiracy to detonate a weapon of mass destruction" in violation of 18 USC § 2332a, culminating in the deaths of 168 people and destruction of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklah
- 55NewsRichard Matsch Has a Firm Grip on His Gavel in the Oklahoma City Bombing TrialLois Romano — Washington Post — May 12, 1997
- 58Michel, Herbeck (200) p. 347
- 59NewsMcVeigh sentenced to die for Oklahoma City bombingJune 13, 1997
- 61McVeigh Speaks Out, Receives Death SentenceRichard A. Serrano — August 15, 1997
- 62See "McVeigh Remorseless About Bombing," newswire release, Associated Press, March 29, 2001.
- 63NewsTimothy McVeigh in WacoUMKC.edu
- 64Michel and Herbeck; cf. Walsh.
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- 66NewsMcVeigh's Apr. 26 Letter to Fox NewsFox News — April 26, 2001
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- 69NewsDead EndsJoel Achenbach — June 11, 1995
- 70Oklahoma City bomber Terry Nichols says in prison letters he is not a terroristGary Ridley — April 17, 2015
- 71NewsFor First Time, Woman Says McVeigh Told of Bomb PlanJo Thomas — April 30, 1996
- 72NewsTranscriptsCNN — January 20, 2006
- 73News12-Year Sentence Given Again to Witness in Oklahoma BombingOctober 9, 1999
- 74NewsNew life, identity await Fortier as he leaves prisonArnold Hamilton — January 18, 2006
- 75MagazineTHE WHITE CITY ON A HILLJames L. Graff — February 24, 1997
- 76Oklahoma City Bombing's Unanswered Questions in New BookMichael Isikoff — April 18, 2012
- 80NewsInternet firm sues to broadcast McVeigh executionDave Williams — CNN — April 5, 2001
- 81NewsThe execution will not be webcastKatharine Mieszkowski et al. — April 19, 2001
- 82NewsMcVeigh faces day of reckoningJulian Borger — June 11, 2001
- 83NewsDead man talkingTracey McVeigh — May 9, 2001
- 85NewsBush calls McVeigh execution delay necessaryCNN — May 11, 2001
- 87NewsMcVeigh brushes aside deathsJulian Borger — March 30, 2001
- 88indexLastmealsproject.com
- 89NewsExecution of an American TerroristCatherine Quayle — June 11, 2001
- 90NewsTimothy McVeigh Put to Death for Oklahoma City BombingsRita Cosby — FOX News — June 12, 2001
- 91NewsTerror on Trial: Timothy McVeigh executedDecember 31, 2007
- 92Pre-Execution News: McVeigh's Stay Request DeniedTed Ottley — TruTv — June 7, 2001
- 93NewsMcVeigh's final hours recall last federal executionJune 10, 2001
- 94McVeigh Makes Deal To Avoid Autopsy - CBS NewsMarch 14, 2001
- 96NewsFair notice, even for terrorists: Timothy McVeigh and a new standard for the ex post facto clauseAndrew J Gottman — Washington and Lee Law Review — Spring 1999
- 97Hearing on S. 923 and H.R. 2040, to deny burial in a federally funded cemetery and other benefits to veterans convicted of certain capital crimesU.S. House of Representatives — July 9, 1997
- 98Timothy McVeigh deadCNN
- 102NewsTerror in Oklahoma: The Suspect; One Man's Complex Path to ExtremismRobert D. McFadden — April 23, 1995
- 103NewsFellow inmate counsels McVeighJune 20, 2001
- 105Salvation for a killer?David Yonke
- 107NewsOklahoma Bomber Confessed to Catholic PriestAugust 18, 2006
- 108NewsNation's deadliest domestic terrorist inspiring new generation of hate-filled 'monsters,' FBI records showMike Levine et al. — October 6, 2020
- 109'American Bombing': How to Watch HBO Documentary About Oklahoma City Domestic Terrorism AttackSharon Knolle — April 16, 2024
- 110McVeigh
- 111BookHomegrown: Timothy McVeigh and the Rise of Right-Wing ExtremismToobin, Jeffrey — Simon & Schuster — 2023