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Progressive Era in the United States

Progressive Era

Ch. 1 of 8
— CH. 1 · INTRODUCTION —

Contents

Progressive Era

8 sections

  • The Progressive Era in the United States, which ran from the 1890s into the 1920s, can be read in one lopsided statistic. In the 1870s the country had roughly 100 millionaires. By 1892 it had 4,000, and by 1916 it had 16,000. Beside those fortunes stood slums, dangerous workplaces and city halls run by bosses. A loose coalition of reformers, known as Progressives, decided that all of this could be changed on purpose. Many came from the educated middle class. Their supporters included lawyers, teachers, physicians, ministers, businesspeople and working people.

    The movement began chiefly in local politics. Over time it climbed to the state capitols and finally to Washington. Along the way it gathered writers, governors, professors, club women and presidents who often disagreed with one another. How did a handful of magazine journalists, settlement workers and state officials change how Americans voted, ate, worked and paid taxes? Why did leaders who shared a goal end up fighting each other so bitterly? And who was left outside the reform, or pushed further out by it?

  • Around 1900, some popular magazines reached circulations in the hundreds of thousands of subscribers. National advertising was expanding fast, and that pushed cover prices down to about 10 cents. Cheap copies needed a draw, and exposés of corruption in politics, local government and big business supplied one. The writers behind them became known as muckrakers. Theodore Roosevelt gave them the name, complaining that they were raking up too much muck to be helpful.

    McClure's became the best-known home of the form. It went after corporate monopolies and political machines. It also made readers face chronic urban poverty, unsafe working conditions and child labor.

    Ida Tarbell published her book The History of the Standard Oil Company in 1904. It helped turn elite opinion against the oil monopoly and made her a pioneer of investigative journalism. Lincoln Steffens started a McClure's series called Tweed Days in St. Louis. The articles were later collected as The Shame of the Cities. His reporting examined corruption in municipal government across many large cities.

    Ray Stannard Baker, George Creel and Brand Whitlock worked mostly at the state and local level. In 1906, David Graham Phillips published a blistering indictment of corruption in the US Senate.

    Most muckrakers wrote nonfiction, but fiction could hit just as hard. Upton Sinclair's 1906 novel The Jungle described unsanitary and unsafe conditions in the meatpacking industry in graphic detail. He hoped to stir solidarity among working people. Instead, as he later quipped, "I aimed at the public's heart and by accident, I hit it in the stomach." Readers demanded action and got it. Congress passed the Meat Inspection Act and the Pure Food and Drug Act, which pulled untested patent medicines off the market. Drug companies and medical providers helped push the second law.

    In 1919, Sinclair turned the same method on newspapers with The Brass Check. It attacked yellow journalism and the limits of the so-called free press. Four years after it appeared, American journalists had their first code of ethics.

  • In 1888, a New Jersey labor activist named James W. Sullivan traveled to Switzerland to study how citizens there made laws directly. He wrote a series of detailed articles about it for the New York Times. Those became the first chapters of his 1893 book, Direct Legislation by the Citizenship Through the Initiative and Referendum. Sullivan argued that the initiative would give the working class political power and reduce the need for strikes. Labor activists, socialists and populists read the book first. By 1900, middle-class reformers everywhere were studying it too.

    William U'Ren, an early convert, founded the Oregon Direct Legislation League in 1898. Oregon adopted the initiative and referendum in 1902, a system then known as the Oregon System. Direct primaries followed in 1904, and the power to recall elected officials in 1908. U'Ren later helped win popular election of US senators and the first presidential primary at the state level.

    John Randolph Haynes organized California's Direct Legislation League in 1902. It mailed questionnaires to would-be legislators and published their answers. Then it flooded the state with letters seeking members, money and endorsements, including from the State Federation of Labor. The legislature stayed unresponsive. Even so, the League won a local direct democracy amendment in 1902 and engineered the recall of the first public official in 1904. In 1911, Governor Hiram Johnson brought the full Oregon System of initiative, referendum and recall to the whole state. Today roughly half of US states have those provisions in their constitutions.

    By 1890, most states had adopted the secret ballot. It ended vote buying, because a buyer could no longer see how the voter marked the ballot. Yet party conventions still chose the candidates. Louisiana introduced the first primary in 1892. Southern Democrats, who controlled every statewide election, wanted to prevent factions within their party. Candidates who lost a primary were barred from running as independents in the fall. By 1907, eleven Southern and border states held statewide primaries.

    In the North, Robert La Follette introduced the primary in Wisconsin in 1904, and most Northern states followed. Reformers praised grass roots democracy. Party bosses liked primaries too, because they cut the risk of sore losers running as independents. Even so, only 14 states used them to choose delegates to the national presidential conventions. The fiercest battle came in New York, where conservatives resisted several governors for years until a primary law passed in 1913.

    The Seventeenth Amendment, ratified in 1913, required senators to be elected by the people instead of appointed by state legislatures. The aim was to weaken bosses who controlled Senate seats through their grip on those legislatures. Political scientist Henry Jones Ford had described the Senate as a "Diet of party lords, wielding their power without scruple or restraint."

    Two more amendments came from the same reforming mood. The Sixteenth created a federal income tax, and the Eighteenth prohibited alcohol. For many Progressives, banning drink was the key to cleaning up politics.

  • Standard Oil, with its near monopoly on refining oil, was widely hated. Many newspapers reprinted attacks from The New York World, a flagship Democratic paper that made the trust a special target. Tennessee, Illinois, Kentucky and Kansas took the lead with legal efforts in 1904-1905. Ten more states followed, from Arkansas to West Virginia. The results were mixed.

    Federal action finally won out in 1911, when the company was split into 33 firms. Those 33 seldom competed with each other. The Sherman Act of 1890 had come first. The Clayton Antitrust Act and the creation of the Federal Trade Commission, both in 1914, then largely calmed Progressive talk about trusts. Yet the new framework had little or no effect on the direction or size of merger activity.

    Woodrow Wilson's Revenue Act of 1913 lowered tariffs and introduced a federal income tax. Later tax acts added a federal estate tax and raised the top income tax rate to 77 percent. His Federal Reserve Act created a central banking system, the Federal Reserve System.

    Frederick Winslow Taylor's scientific management gave the era its emblem, the stopwatch. It stood for industrial efficiency and the elimination of waste. Progressives were avid modernizers who trusted science and technology to solve social flaws. They saw education as the bridge from a wasteful present to an enlightened future. They also believed in expert judgment and in the efficiency of government intervention.

    Andrew Carnegie's credo, set out in The Gospel of Wealth, held that the rich owed society a duty to give. Money should flow to colleges, hospitals, medical research, libraries, museums, religion and social betterment. In the early 20th century, American giving matured into very large, highly visible private foundations created by Rockefeller and Carnegie. They ran on efficient, business-oriented lines. Their purpose was to better society rather than merely raise the giver's status. Ties to local business grew close, as in the community chest movement. The American Red Cross was reorganized and professionalized.

    Europe and Asia had few foundations. That left Carnegie and Rockefeller free to operate internationally, with powerful effect.

  • In 1889, Jane Addams and Ellen Gates Starr opened Hull House in Chicago to reach newly arrived immigrants. Settlement houses like it provided social services and played an active part in civic life. They helped immigrants prepare for naturalization and campaigned for city regulation and services. Addams helped found the American Civil Liberties Union in 1920. In 1931, she became the first American woman to win the Nobel Peace Prize.

    Florence Kelley worked at Hull House from 1891 to 1899. In 1893 she became Illinois's first chief factory inspector. She used the post to expose abusive conditions, especially for children, and she lobbied successfully for the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics. Nearby, philosopher John Dewey and Ella Flagg Young ran the University of Chicago's Laboratory School. Their work with Hull House residents shaped progressive education reforms that spread to other parts of the country.

    Henry George's 1873 book Progress and Poverty had made the public ask how poverty could persist during economic progress. Reformers answered with systematic sociological research. The language moved from relief for the poor to welfare for everyone. The spotlight shifted from the unemployed father to the impoverished child. The first big success was raising the legal working age to curb child labor.

    Cities soon offered milk depots that sold milk at cost or gave it away. They added free school meals, free dental and medical exams for schoolchildren, day nurseries, baby clinics and public playgrounds. Several states set up mothers' pensions to help widows in need. In Denver, crusading Judge Ben Lindsey inspired juvenile courts that handled disruptive teenagers without sending them to adult prisons. In 1894 and 1895, Detroit's mayor Hazen S. Pingree turned vacant lots into potato patches where several thousand unemployed families grew their own food.

    Shorter working hours gave urban families more leisure, and many spent it in movie theaters. Progressives pushed for film censorship, fearing that children in dark, unclean, unsafe theaters would absorb scenes of crime, violence and sexual suggestion. They also pressed big-city governments to build parks, where families could spend free time in a wholesome setting.

    The social hygiene movement joined groups worried about venereal disease, prostitution, moral standards and family life. It tried to end prostitution by criminalizing it. When the United States entered World War I, closing vice districts near military bases became a priority, and red light districts in major cities closed permanently. The Women's Christian Temperance Union and the Young Men's Christian Association urged abstinence and tighter censorship of literature and entertainment. Critics note that criminalizing vice ignored poverty and inequality, and that strict standards often marginalized immigrants and African Americans.

    Dayton, Ohio, offered a different kind of reform. John Patterson, the hard-charging head of the National Cash Register company, preached a gospel of efficiency run by non-partisan experts. He wanted a city manager, with elected officials holding little direct power. When the city council balked, he threatened to move his factories elsewhere, and the council fell in line. A flood in 1913 killed 400 people and caused $100 million in property damage. Patterson took charge of relief work himself. By 1920, 177 American cities had adopted city manager government.

  • After 1890, the General Federation of Women's Clubs coordinated middle-class women's clubs across the country. Their members borrowed a traditional idea, that women were mothers and homemakers, to justify entering public affairs. As "municipal housekeepers," they would clean up politics and cities and look after their neighbors' health. Clubwoman Julia Lathrop's leadership of the Children's Bureau showed how far the approach could go. The Federation backed pure food and drug rules, public health care for mothers and children, and a ban on child labor.

    Some women demanded more than that. They questioned old thinking about marriage and sexuality, and they craved freedom after the repressive Victorian years. Dating emerged as a new way of courting. Divorce rates rose as women sought education and independence from the home. Wendy Rouse describes a lesser-known branch of feminism, the self-defense movement. It raised awareness of the harassment and violence women faced on the street, at work and at home, and it offered training in active self-defense.

    The National American Woman Suffrage Association was formed in May 1890, when two older rival groups merged. It set up hundreds of local and state organizations aimed at winning suffrage laws close to home. Carrie Chapman Catt was its key leader in the early 20th century. It also pushed for a constitutional amendment, and it was instrumental in ratifying the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920.

    Alice Paul led a breakaway group, the National Woman's Party, and used civil disobedience to grab headlines. Her members chained themselves to the White House fence to get arrested, then went on hunger strikes. British suffragettes had halted their protests in 1914 to support the war effort. Paul began her campaign in 1917 and was widely criticized for ignoring the war and drawing in radical anti-war elements.

    Iowa shows how slowly the vote could come. Both houses of its General Assembly passed a suffrage amendment in 1870. Two years later the legislature had to pass it again, and it failed. Interest had faded, and the German-American community feared that women voters would impose prohibition. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union, whose chief goal was prohibition, led the cause there. Iowa's women finally gained the vote in 1920 with the rest of the country. In the Western states, by contrast, woman suffrage became a success story.

    In North Carolina, reformers Gertrude Weil and Dr. Elizabeth Delia Dixon Carroll lobbied for the vote. Most residents still held to traditional gender roles. Legislators there did not ratify the Nineteenth Amendment until 1971.

  • William Jennings Bryan, the Democratic nominee for president in 1896-1900 and 1908, dominated his party. In 1912 he picked Woodrow Wilson as the candidate. Historian David Sarasohn described a coalition of southerners, western Progressives, blue-collar ethnic voters and liberal intellectuals. Most of them felt a grudging but genuine admiration for Bryan.

    Wilson won a national reputation as governor of New Jersey in 1910-1912, defeating the bosses and pushing through a progressive agenda. Before 1910 he had identified with conservative Bourbon Democrats such as Grover Cleveland. He embraced progressive causes only when he accepted the nomination for governor. As president he ran on a program called the New Freedom. Its four domestic priorities were conserving natural resources, banking reform, lower tariffs, and opening access to raw materials by breaking up Western mining trusts. Foreign affairs unexpectedly took over his presidency. In World War I he made internationalism part of the progressive outlook through his Fourteen Points and the League of Nations, an ideal called Wilsonianism.

    Theodore Roosevelt's progressivism annoyed party leaders in New York, where he became governor in 1898. They ended his reelection plans in 1900 by getting him placed on McKinley's national ticket as vice president. As president, he promised a Square Deal: fairness for the average citizen, the breaking of trusts, railroad regulation and pure food and drugs. He made conservation a top priority and created many new national parks, forests and monuments. Gifford Pinchot, the first chief of the US Forest Service from 1905 to 1910, championed planned use and renewal of forests. Roosevelt also began building the Panama Canal and sent the Great White Fleet on a world tour. His part in ending the Russo-Japanese War earned him the 1906 Nobel Peace Prize.

    The Republican Party split in 1910, when Roosevelt broke bitterly with his protégé, President William Howard Taft, and with Wisconsin's Robert La Follette. Taft defeated Roosevelt for the 1912 nomination, so Roosevelt founded an entirely new Progressive Party. Its program, the New Nationalism, called for active supervision of corporations, higher taxes, and unemployment and old-age insurance. Herbert Croly gave the idea its philosophy in his 1909 book The Promise of American Life. In 1914 Croly helped found the magazine The New Republic. Roosevelt lost, his party collapsed, and conservatism dominated the Republicans for decades.

    The rupture left Charles Evans Hughes, then a Supreme Court justice and a former New York governor, acceptable to both wings of the party. He ran in 1916 and lost very narrowly to Wilson. On the bench he often sided with Oliver Wendell Holmes to uphold popular reforms such as the minimum wage and workmen's compensation. In 1914 his Shreveport Rate Case opinion let the federal government regulate intrastate commerce when it affected interstate commerce. As Chief Justice from 1930 to 1941 he took a moderate position and upheld key New Deal laws.

    Robert M. La Follette failed to win the Republican nomination for Wisconsin governor in 1896 and 1898, then won the office in 1900. He soon took boss-like control of his own party. As a senator from 1905 he often clashed with conservatives such as Nelson Aldrich. In 1912 he challenged Taft, but his candidacy was overshadowed once Roosevelt declared. A lengthy speech to media leaders in February 1912 was later described as evidence of a nervous breakdown, and he lost national stature. In 1924 he ran for president as a third-party candidate, backed by Socialists, farmers and labor unions. He won 17 percent of the vote and carried only Wisconsin.

    Wisconsin's "Wisconsin Idea" put the University of Wisconsin, under President Charles R. Van Hise, to work on practical reforms. Between 1901 and 1911, Progressive Republicans there created the nation's first comprehensive statewide primary system, the first effective workplace injury compensation law and the first state income tax. In 1932 economists John R. Commons and Harold Groves helped create the first unemployment compensation program in the country. University scholars, with Arthur J. Altmeyer playing the key role, produced the plan that became the Social Security Act of 1935.

    The movement turned on itself, however. Governor Francis E. McGovern backed Roosevelt in 1912, and La Follette was outraged. He made sure the next legislature defeated the governor's programs and that McGovern lost his Senate bid in 1914. Farmers, who paid property taxes, fought urban voters, who paid income taxes. That disarray let conservatives called Stalwarts elect Emanuel Philipp governor in 1914. They accused Progressives of being too haughty, too beholden to experts and too expensive. Their interference in the university outraged the faculty, and famed historian Frederick Jackson Turner left for Harvard. La Follette's sons later founded a state third party. It fell apart in the 1930s and collapsed completely by 1946.

  • In 1901, Theodore Roosevelt invited Booker T. Washington, the first leader of the Tuskegee Institute, to dinner at the White House. He was the first president to invite a Black guest. Some Southerners and newspapers made a great fuss, and Roosevelt was appalled. He kept meeting with Washington and wrote that "The only wise and honorable and Christian thing to do is to treat each Black man and each white man strictly on his merits as a man, giving him no more and no less than he shows himself worthy to have."

    He appointed Dr. William Crum as customs collector in Charleston, South Carolina, and did not back down under complaints. "I cannot consent to take the position that the door of hope, the door of opportunity, is to be shut upon any man, no matter how worthy, purely upon the grounds of race or color," he said. He also defended Minnie Cox, the first African-American woman postmaster, after racism forced her out of Indianola, Mississippi.

    Yet Roosevelt held racist views. In 1906 he wrote to a friend that Black people were inferior. In 1916 he said Black Southerners were unfit to vote. He regarded Native Americans as inferior and favored removing them from ancestral territories, and he believed in eugenics. After evidence was planted against a group of Black soldiers in Brownsville, Texas, he let them be dishonorably discharged despite their alibis. He faced heavy criticism for it.

    Wilson was far worse, by the source's account. He segregated the federal government at every level he could. He screened the racist film Birth of a Nation despite protests and boycotts, and he regarded segregation as a "benefit." His parents had supported slavery and the Confederacy.

    Many white Progressives saw racial mixing as a problem to be solved rather than a goal. They were troubled by "black-and-tan" clubs where Black and white pleasure-seekers mingled. Their solution was to separate the races so each could reach its own potential. As white reformers set out to help the white working class, clean up politics and improve cities, the country instituted the system known as Jim Crow. In the South, prohibition ranked high on the agenda but was controversial, and Jim Crow and disenfranchisement ranked higher. In the West, anti-Asian sentiment flourished alongside the suffrage victories.

    North Carolina earned the nickname "The Good Roads State" for modernizing its schools, university system and transportation. Governor Charles B. Aycock led both the education crusade and the white supremacy crusade. After the Wilmington massacre, the state imposed strict legal segregation. It rewrote its constitution to disfranchise Black men through poll taxes and literacy tests.

    One legal historian argues that early Progressives inherited the racism of Jim Crow but later embraced behaviorism, cultural relativism and marginalism. These ideas stress environment over biological inheritance, and he credits Progressives with ultimately ending scientific racism.

    African Americans built their own progressive movement, with two approaches. Booker T. Washington and the Black business community used the National Negro Business League to mobilize small Black-owned firms and win access to Northern philanthropy. W. E. B. Du Bois and the NAACP, based in Northern cities, pursued another path. Black communities across the rural South worked to upgrade schools, modernize churches, widen business opportunities, win a larger share of state budgets and bring legal action for equal rights. George Washington Carver, who lived from 1860 to 1943, led in promoting environmentalism through his agricultural research.

    Ida B. Wells moved to Chicago in 1895 and became a leading civil rights journalist and anti-lynching activist. She founded the Illinois Negro Women's Club and the Alpha Suffrage Club, and in 1910 she helped establish the NAACP. In North Carolina, Charlotte Hawkins Brown built the Palmer Memorial Institute to educate Black children for leadership, with ideas and Northern funding from Washington.

    The Rockefeller-funded General Education Board gave large subsidies to Black schools that were otherwise underfunded. In the 1920s and 1930s, the Julius Rosenwald Fund offered matching money for thousands of rural schools across the South. Black parents donated the land and the labor to build them.

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Progressivism in the United States

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Common questions

What was the Progressive Era?

It was a period in the United States from the 1890s to the 1920s, marked by many overlapping reform efforts. Reformers known as Progressives responded to industrialization, urbanization, immigration, political corruption, monopolies and extreme concentrations of wealth.

Who were the muckrakers?

They were journalists and writers who exposed corruption and social ills for popular magazines. Ida Tarbell, Lincoln Steffens and Upton Sinclair were among them, and Theodore Roosevelt gave them their nickname.

Which reforms changed how Americans voted?

The initiative, referendum and recall spread from Oregon after 1902. Direct primaries took hold from the 1890s onward. The Seventeenth Amendment, ratified in 1913, required senators to be elected by the people.

What was the Wisconsin Idea?

It was the commitment of the University of Wisconsin, under President Charles R. Van Hise and with Robert La Follette's support, to use its expertise to develop practical reforms for the state and the nation.

How did the Progressive Era treat race?

Results were deeply mixed. Many white Progressives accepted or promoted segregation, and Jim Crow spread during the era. African Americans built their own reform efforts, led by figures such as Booker T. Washington, W. E. B. Du Bois and Ida B. Wells.

All sources

300 references cited across the entry

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  2. 2Progressive Era: 1890–1920s | Picture This
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  7. 7On purification, see David W. Southern, The Malignant Heritage: Yankee Progressives and the Negro Question, 1900–1915 (1968); Southern, The Progressive Era And Race: Reaction And Reform 1900–1917 (200
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  14. 14James W. Sullivan – Printer, Activist, Government Official
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  19. 19The Meat Inspection Act
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  90. 90BookThe paradox of Southern progressivism, 1880–1930William A. Link — Univ. of North Carolina Press — 1996
  91. 91William A. Link, North Carolina: Change and Tradition in a Southern State (2009) pp. 285–313.
  92. 92BookGender and Jim Crow: women and the politics of White supremacy in North Carolina, 1896–1920Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore — The University of North Carolina Press — 2019
  93. 93Allen F. Davis, "The social workers and the progressive party, 1912–1916." American Historical Review 69.3 (1964): 671–688 .
  94. 94Michael Kazin, ed. The concise Princeton Encyclopedia of American political history (2011) pp. 347–348.
  95. 95Nancy C. Unger, Fighting Bob La Follette: The Righteous Reformer (U of North Carolina Press, 2003) pp. 1–5.
  96. 96John D. Buenker, The History of Wisconsin, vol. IV: The Progressive Era 1893–1914 (1998) pp. 569–573.
  97. 97BookThe American direct primary: party institutionalization and transformation in the NorthAlan Ware — Cambridge University Press — 2002
  98. 98Wisconsin's Legal History: Law and the Progressive Era, Part 3: Reforming the WorkplaceJoseph Ranney
  99. 99JournalThe Establishment of Wisconsin's Income TaxJohn Stark — Autumn 1987
  100. 100Robert C. Nesbit, Wisconsin: A History (1973) pp. 430–436.
  101. 101BookThe State of Wisconsin Blue Book, 1995–1996Jack Stark — Legislative Reference Bureau — 1995
  102. 102JournalThe Origins of Unemployment Insurance in WisconsinDaniel Nelson — Winter 1967–1968
  103. 103Arthur J. Altmeyer, "The Wisconsin Idea and Social Security." Wisconsin Magazine of History (1958) 42#1: 19–25.
  104. 104Nesbit, Wisconsin (1973) pp. 436–440.
  105. 105Merle Curti and Vernon Carstensen, The University of Wisconsin: A History, 1848–1925 (Vol. 2, 1949) pp. 67–68, 102.
  106. 106Allan G. Bogue, Frederick Jackson Turner (1998) pp. 254–258.
  107. 107Ellen Condliffe Lagemann, "Experimenting with education: John Dewey and Ella Flagg Young at the University of Chicago." American Journal of Education 104.3 (1996): 171-185. online
  108. 108Sandra D. Harmon, "Florence Kelley in Illinois." Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74.3 (1981): 162-178. online
  109. 109Hollie Pich, "Various, Beautiful, and Terrible: The Life and Legacy of Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Australasian Journal of American Studies 34#2 (2015), pp. 59–74. online
  110. 110Franklin, D. (1986). Mary Richmond and Jane Addams: From Moral Certainty to Rational Inquiry in Social Work Practice. Social Service Review, 504–525.
  111. 111Chambers, C. (1986). Women in the Creation of the Profession of Social Work. Social Service Review, 60 (1), 1–33.
  112. 112Deegan, M. J. (1988). Jane Addams and the Men of the Chicago School, 1892–1918. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books.
  113. 113Shields, Patricia M. (2017). Jane Addams: Pioneer in American Sociology, Social Work and Public Administration. In, P. Shields Editor, Jane Addams: Progressive Pioneer of Peace, Philosophy, Sociology,
  114. 114Stivers, C. (2009). A Civic Machinery for Democratic Expression: Jane Addams on Public Administration. In M. Fischer, C. Nackenoff, & W. Chielewski, Jane Addams and the Practice of Democracy (pp. 87–9
  115. 115Shields, Patricia M. (2017). Jane Addams: Peace Activist and Peace Theorist In, P. Shields Editor, Jane Addams: Progressive Pioneer of Peace, Philosophy, Sociology, Social Work and Public Administrati
  116. 116Celebrating Women's History Month: The Fight for Women's Rights and the American Civil Liberties Union, ACLUACLU Virginia — March 28, 2013
  117. 117Social Work Profession: HistoryPaul H. Stuart — Oxford University Press — 2013
  118. 118Maurice Hamington, "Jane Addams" in Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (2010) portrays her as a radical pragmatist and the first woman "public philosopher" in United States history.
  119. 119BookEncyclopedia of the CityR. W. Caves — Routledge — 2004
  120. 120Gene Clanton, "Populism, Progressivism, and Equality: The Kansas Paradigm" Agricultural History (1977) 51#3 pp. 559–581.
  121. 121John C. Teaford, Cities of the heartland: the rise and fall of the industrial Midwest (1993) pp. 111–121.
  122. 122Teaford, Cities of the Heartland (1993) pp. 121–123.
  123. 123Judith Sealander, Grand plans Business progressivism and social change in Ohio's Miami Valley, 1890–1929 (2014) online.
  124. 124Leland L. Sage, A History of Iowa (1974) pp. 216–248.
  125. 125Thomas J. Bray, "The Cummins Leadership" Annals of Iowa (1954) 32#4 pp. 241–296. online
  126. 126Ralph Mills Sayre. "Albert Baird Cummins and the progressive movement in Iowa" . PhD dissertation. Columbia University, 1958. ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 1958. 5802602.
  127. 127Sage, A History of Iowa (1974) p. 255.
  128. 128Nancy Cohen, The Reconstruction of American Liberalism, 1865-1914 (U of North Carolina Press, 2001) p.5.
  129. 129Hidy and Hidy, pp. 683, 708–718.
  130. 130Bruce Bringhurst. Antitrust and the Oil Monopoly: The Standard Oil Cases, 1890–1911 (1976).
  131. 131Carl Eis, "The 1919–1930 Merger Movement In American Industry" Journal of Law & Economics (1969) 12#2 pp. 267–296.
  132. 132J. Morgan Kousser, The shaping of southern politics: Suffrage restriction and the establishment of the one-party south, 1880–1910 (Yale University Press, 1974).
  133. 133John D. Buenker and Edward R. Kantowicz, Historical Dictionary of the Progressive Era, 1890–1920 (1988) pp. 380–381.
  134. 134Peter H. Argersinger, "Electoral Processes." in Encyclopedia of American Political History (1984) 2: 489–512.
  135. 135H. Feldman, "The Direct Primary in New York State" American Political Science Review (1917) 11#3 pp. 494–518
  136. 136Robert F. Wesser, Charles Evans Hughes: Politics and Reform in New York, 1905–1910 (Cornell UP, 2009) pp. 252–301.
  137. 137David E. Kyvig, Explicit and authentic acts: amending the U.S. Constitution, 1776–1995 (Kansas UP, 1996) pp. 208–214; Hedwig Richter: "Transnational Reform and Democracy: Election Reforms in New York
  138. 138Progressivism2007
  139. 139H. Edward Flentje, "The Political Roots of City Managers in Kansas" Kansas History (1984) 7#2 pp. 139–158.
  140. 140Gwendoline Alphonso, "Hearth and Soul: Economics and Culture in Partisan Conceptions of the Family in the Progressive Era, 1900–1920", Studies in American Political Development, Oct 2010, Vol. 24 Issu
  141. 141JournalConsensus for Reform: The Mothers'-Pension Movement in the Progressive EraMark H. Leff — 1973
  142. 142D'Ann Campbell, "Judge Ben Lindsey and the Juvenile Court Movement, 1901–1904", Arizona and the West, (1976) 18#1 pp. 5–20.
  143. 143James Marten, ed. Children and Youth during the Gilded Page and Progressive Era (2014)
  144. 144Marc T. Law, "The Origins of State Pure Food Regulation", Journal of Economic History, Dec 2003, Vol. 63 Issue 4, pp. 1103–1131.
  145. 145Black, Gregory D. Hollywood Censored: Morality Codes, Catholics, and the Movies. Cambridge University Press 1994
  146. 146Erin Wuebker, "Social Hygiene in America" (Gale, 2020) online .
  147. 147Mara L. Keire, "The vice trust: A reinterpretation of the white slavery scare in the United States, 1907–1917." Journal of Social History 35.1 (2001): 5–41 excerpt
  148. 148Allen F. Davis, "Welfare, Reform and World War I." American Quarterly 19.3 (1967): 516–533 .
  149. 149Michael Imber, "The First World War, sex education, and the American Social Hygiene Association's campaign against venereal disease." Journal of educational administration and history 16.1 (1984): 47–
  150. 150On international work for social hygiene see Lou Antolihao, et al. Spreading Protestant Modernity: Global Perspectives on the Social Work of the YMCA and YWCA, 1889–1970 (University of Hawaii Press, 2
  151. 151Christina Simmons, "African Americans and sexual victorianism in the social hygiene movement, 1910–40." Journal of the History of Sexuality 4.1 (1993): 51–75 .
  152. 152George Dimock, "Children of the Mills: Re-Reading Lewis Hine's Child-Labour Photographs." Oxford Art Journal 16#2, (1993), pp. 37–54. online
  153. 153Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse pp.113–145. ISBN 978-0465024520
  154. 154James T. Patterson, America's Struggle against Poverty: 1900–1985 (1986) pp.3–34.
  155. 155Sam Harrell, "Social work & corrections in the progressive era: What we remember, what we obscure." Journal of Progressive Human Services 34.1 (2023): 55-74.
  156. 156Laissez faire and the general-welfare state; a study of conflict in American thought, 1865-1901
  157. 157Melvin G Holli, Reform in Detroit: Hazen S. Pingree and Urban Politics (1969) pp.71–73.
  158. 158See Carol Boyd Leon, "The life of American workers in 1915," Monthly Labor Review (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, February 2016) comparison in many aspects with 2015.
  159. 159Julie Greene, Pure and Simple Politics: The American Federation of Labor and Political Activism, 1881–1917 (1998)
  160. 160Bls.gov
  161. 161Growth of labor law in the United States1962
  162. 162The Political Development of American Debt Relief By Emily Zackin, Chloe N. Thurston, 2024, p. 103
  163. 163JournalAmerican labor legislation review.January 18, 1911
  164. 164JournalLabor Legislation of 1912-32December 13, 1912
  165. 165Paige Meltzer, "The Pulse and Conscience of America" The General Federation and Women's Citizenship, 1945–1960," Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies (2009), Vol. 30 Issue 3, pp. 52–76. online
  166. 166BookMaking marriage modern: Women's sexuality from the Progressive Era to World War IIChristina Simmons — Oxford University Press — 2011
  167. 167Eleanor Flexner, Century of Struggle (1959), pp. 208–217.
  168. 168Corrine M. McConnaughy, The Woman Suffrage Movement in America: A Reassessment (2013).
  169. 169Nancy F. Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism (1989) pp. 51–82
  170. 170BookHer own hero: the origins of the women's self-defense movementWendy L. Rouse — New York University Press — 2017
  171. 171John Dittmer, Black Georgia in the Progressive era, 1900–1920 (1980).
  172. 172David W. Southern, The Progressive Era and Race: Reaction and Reform, 1900–1917 (2005)
  173. 173BookAfrican American Civil Rights: Early Activism and the Niagara MovementAngela Jones — Praeger — 2011
  174. 174Debra Reid, "Rural African Americans and Progressive Reform", Agricultural History (2000) 74#2 pp. 322–341 on Texas.
  175. 175Dianne D. Glave, "'A Garden so Brilliant With Colors, so Original in its Design': Rural African American Women, Gardening, Progressive Reform, and the Foundation of an African American Environmental P
  176. 176Dianne D. Glave and Mark Stoll, eds., To Love the Wind and the Rain': African Americans and Environmental History. (2006).
  177. 177BookMy Work Is That of Conservation: An Environmental Biography of George Washington CarverMark D. Hersey — University of Georgia Press — 2011
  178. 178JournalThe Vice Trust: A Reinterpretation of the White Slavery Scare in the United States, 1907–1917Mara L. Keire — 2001
  179. 179BookRacial Encounter: The Social Psychology of Contact and DesegregationDurrheim, Kevin et al. — Routledge — 2005
  180. 180BookTar Heel Politics 2000Luebke, Paul — The University of North Carolina Press — 2000
  181. 181BookPolitical Ideologies and Political Parties in AmericaHans Noel — Cambridge University Press — 2014
  182. 182BookThe Strange Career of Jim CrowC. Vann Woodward — 1945
  183. 183Hovenkamp, H. 2017 The Progressives: Racism and Public Law Public Law and Legal Theory Research Paper Series, 59 Ariz. L. Rev. 947
  184. 184John M. Allswang, The initiative and referendum in California, 1898–1998, (2000) ch 1.
  185. 185State Initiative and Referendum SummaryState Initiative & Referendum Institute at USC
  186. 186Christopher Hoebeke, The road to mass democracy: original intent and the Seventeenth Amendment (1995) p. 18
  187. 187BookThe short ballot and the 'Invisible Government'Elihu Root — National Short Ballot Association — 1900
  188. 188Karen M. Kaufmann, et al., "A Promise Fulfilled? Open Primaries and Representation," Journal of Politics 65#2 (2003): 457–476.
  189. 189Michael J. Klarman, "The White Primary Rulings: A Case Study in the Consequences of Supreme Court Decisionmaking". Florida State University Law Review (2001). 29#1: 55–107 online .
  190. 190Irvine L. Lenroot, Wisconsin Magazine of History 26#2 (1942), pp. 219–221.
  191. 191Robert C. Nesbit, Wisconsin: A History (1973) 412–415, 528.
  192. 192Reynolds, Testing Democracy pp. 130–133.
  193. 193Duane Lockard, New England State Politics (1959) pp. 124–125.
  194. 194Richard McCormick, (1981) pp. 243–217.
  195. 195Melvin G. Holli, Reform in Detroit: Hazen S. Pingree and Urban Politics (1969).
  196. 196Kenneth Finegold, "Traditional Reform, Municipal Populism, and Progressivism", Urban Affairs Review, (1995) 31#1 pp. 20–42.
  197. 197Arthur E. DeMatteo, "The Progressive As Elitist: 'Golden Rule' Jones and the Toledo Charter Reform Campaign of 1901", Northwest Ohio Quarterly, (1997) 69#1 pp. 8–30.
  198. 198Eugene M. Tobin, "The Progressive as Single Taxer: Mark Fagan and the Jersey City Experience, 1900–1917", American Journal of Economics & Sociology, (1974) 33#3 pp. 287–298.
  199. 199Martin J. Schiesl, "Progressive Reform in Los Angeles under Mayor Alexander, 1909–1913", California Historical Quarterly, (1975) 534#1, pp. 37–56.
  200. 200G. Wayne Dowdy, "'A Business Government by a Business Man': E. H. Crump as a Progressive Mayor, 1910–1915", Tennessee Historical Quarterly, (2001) 60#3 3, pp. 162–175.
  201. 201William E. Ellis, "Robert Worth Bingham and Louisville Progressivism, 1905–1910", Filson Club History Quarterly, (1980) 54#2 pp. 169–195.
  202. 202William Thomas Hutchinson, Lowden of Illinois: the life of Frank O. Lowden (1957) vol 2
  203. 203Progressivism and the Wisconsin IdeaWisconsin Historical Society — 2008
  204. 204Ronald K. Goodenow, "Educating the Masses and Reforming the City: Another Look at the Gary Plan" Teachers College Record (1982) 83#3 pp. 467–473.
  205. 205Ronald D. Cohen, "The Gary Schools and Progressive Education in the 1920's" (1975) online
  206. 206Cities During the Progressive Era Progressive Era to New Era, 1900–1929 U.S. History Primary Source Timeline Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress Library of Congress
  207. 207Automobiles in the Progressive and New Eras Progressive Era to New Era, 1900–1929 U.S. History Primary Source Timeline Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress Library of Congress
  208. 208William L. Bowers, "Country-Life Reform, 1900–1920: A Neglected Aspect of Progressive Era History." Agricultural History 45#3 (1971): 211–21.
  209. 209Stuart W. Shulman, "The Progressive Era Farm Press", Journalism History (1999) 25#1 pp. 27–36.
  210. 210William A. Link, A Hard Country and a Lonely Place: Schooling, Society, and Reform in Rural Virginia, 1870–1920 (1986).
  211. 211Harold U. Faulkner, The Decline of Laissez Faire, 1897–1917 (1951) pp. 233–236.
  212. 212Charles Lee Dearing, American highway policy (1942).
  213. 213Tammy Ingram, Dixie Highway: Road Building and the Making of the Modern South, 1900–1930 (2014).
  214. 214David R. Reynolds, There goes the neighborhood: Rural school consolidation at the grass roots in early twentieth-century Iowa (University of Iowa Press, 2002).
  215. 215JournalRural Education Reform and the Country Life Movement, 1900–1920David B. Danbom — April 1979
  216. 216Ellen Natasha Thompson, "The Changing Needs of Our Youth Today: The Response of 4-H to Social and Economic Transformations in Twentieth-century North Carolina." (PhD Diss. University of North Carolina
  217. 217Marilyn Irvin Holt, Linoleum, Better Babies, and the Modern Farm Woman, 1890–1930 (1995).
  218. 218Conservation in the Progressive Era Progressive Era to New Era, 1900–1929 U.S. History Primary Source Timeline Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress Library of Congress
  219. 219Danbom 1979, p. 473.
  220. 220Richard Jensen and Mark Friedberger, "Education and Social Structure: An Historical Study of Iowa, 1870–1930" (Chicago: Newberry Library, 1976, online ).
  221. 221David E. Kyvig, Explicit and authentic acts: amending the U.S. Constitution, 1776–1995 (1996)
  222. 222Ballard Campbell, "Economic Causes of Progressivism," Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, Jan 2005, Vol. 4 Issue 1, pp. 7–22
  223. 223Harold U. Faulkner, The Decline of Laissez Faire, 1897–1917 (1951)
  224. 224Vincent W. Howard, "Woodrow Wilson, The Press, and Presidential Leadership: Another Look at the Passage of the Underwood Tariff, 1913", CR: The Centennial Review, 1980, Vol. 24 Issue 2, pp. 167–14.
  225. 225Arthur S. Link, Woodrow Wilson and the progressive Era, 1910–1917 (1954) pp. 25–80
  226. 226James C German Jr "The Taft administration and the Sherman Antitrust Act", Mid-America 52.3 1972 pp. 172–186 172–173.
  227. 227German, p. 177.
  228. 228George W. Wickersham, "Recent Interpretation of the Sherman Act." Michigan Law Review (1911) 10#1: 1–25.
  229. 229Wickersham to Taft August 23, 1912 in Record, p. 179.
  230. 230Record, p. 186.
  231. 231Robert D. Parmet, Labor and immigration in industrial America (1987) p. 146
  232. 232Gwendolyn Mink, Old Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party and State, 1875–1920 (1990)
  233. 233Daniel J. Tichenor, Dividing lines: the politics of immigration control in America (2002) p. 71
  234. 234Claudia Goldin, "The Political Economy of Immigration Restriction in the United States, 1890 to 1921", in Goldin, The regulated economy (1994) ch 7.
  235. 235Thomas C. Leonard, "Retrospectives: Eugenics and Economics in the Progressive Era" Journal of Economic Perspectives, (2005) 19(4): 207–224
  236. 236James R. Barrett, "Americanization from the Bottom, Up: Immigration and the Remaking of the American Working Class, 1880–1930", Journal of American History 79 (December 1992): 996–1020. .
  237. 237Christina A. Ziegler-McPherson, Americanization in the States: Immigrant Social Welfare Policy, Citizenship, and National Identity in the United States, 1908–1929 (2009)
  238. 238E. James Hindman, "The General Arbitration Treaties of William Howard Taft." Historian 36.1 (1973): 52–65.
  239. 239JournalTaft, Roosevelt, and the Arbitration Treaties of 1911John P. Campbell — 1966
  240. 240BookWilson, Volume II: The New FreedomArthur S. Link — Princeton University Press — 1956
  241. 241BookAmerica reformed : Progressives and progressivisms, 1890s–1920sMaureen A. Flanagan — Oxford University Press — 2007
  242. 242BookBenevolent Assimilation: The American Conquest of the Philippines, 1899–1903Stuart Creighton Miller — Yale University Press — 1982
  243. 243Andrew Roberts, A History of the English-Speaking Peoples Since 1900 (2008), p. 26.
  244. 244Theresa Ventura, "From Small Farms to Progressive Plantations: The Trajectory of Land Reform in the American Colonial Philippines, 1900–1916." Agricultural History 90#4 (2016): 459–483.
  245. 245Mina Roces, "Filipino Elite Women and Public Health in the American Colonial Era, 1906–1940." Women's History Review 26#3 (2017): 477–502.
  246. 246Paul M. Minus, Walter Rauschenbusch: America Reformer (1988) pp. x, 175–176.(
  247. 247Ronald Cedric et al. The Social Gospel: Religion and reform in changing America (Temple UP, 1976).
  248. 248Jack B. Rogers and Robert E. Blade, "The Great Ends of the Church: Two Perspectives". Journal of Presbyterian History (1998). 76#3: 181–186.
  249. 249Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform (1955) p. 152.
  250. 250Patricia O'Toole, The Moralist: Woodrow Wilson and The World He Made (2018) pp. xv–xvii.
  251. 251Michael Kazin, A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan (2006) pp xiii–xvi.
  252. 252Nancy C. Unger, Fighting Bob La Follette: The Righteous Reformer (2003).
  253. 253Leroy G. Dorsey, "Preaching Morality in Modern America: Theodore Roosevelt's Rhetorical Progressivism." in Rhetoric and Reform in the Progressive Era, A Rhetorical History of the United States: Signif
  254. 254Joshua D. Hawley, Theodore Roosevelt: Preacher of Righteousness (2008), p. xvii. excerpt . Josh Hawleyin 2019 became a Republican senator with intense moralistic rhetoric.
  255. 255See also The Independent (Feb. 6, 1908) p. 274 online
  256. 256Special message to Congress, January 31, 1908," in Elting E. Morison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Harvard UP, 1952) vol 5 pp. 1580, 1587; see online version at UC Santa Barbara, "The Ameri
  257. 257Ira M. Wasserman, "Status politics and economic class interests: The 1918 prohibition referendum in California." Sociological Quarterly 31.3 (1990): 475–484.
  258. 258John D. Buenker, "An American kulturkampf: The birth pangs of cultural pluralism." Urban Liberalism and Progressive Reform (1973) pp. 163–197.
  259. 259Ira M. Wasserman, "Prohibition and ethnocultural conflict: The Missouri prohibition referendum of 1918." Social Science Quarterly 70.4 (1989): 886–901.
  260. 260Lewis L. Gould, "Progressives and prohibitionists: Texas Democratic politics, 1911–1921." The Southwestern Historical Quarterly 75.1 (1971): 5–18.
  261. 261Joe Locke, "Making the Bible Belt: Preachers, Prohibition, and the Politicization of Southern Religion, 1877–1918" (PhD dissertation, Rice University, 2012).
  262. 262K. Austin Kerr, Organized for Prohibition: A New History of the Anti-Saloon League (1985).
  263. 263David E. Kyvig, Repealing National Prohibition (2000)
  264. 264Johnson, Earl. 1962. "Organized Crime: Challenge to the American." 'MJournal of Criminal Law and Criminology'm 53 (4): 399–425.
  265. 265JournalThe Origins of Progressive EducationWilliam Reese — 2001
  266. 266A Brief Overview of Progressive Education.
  267. 267Statistics: Education in America, 1860–1950Steven Mintz
  268. 268Megan J. Elias, "No place like home: A survey of American home economics history." History Compass 9.1 (2011): 97-105. online
  269. 269Danielle Dreilinger, The secret history of home economics: How trailblazing women harnessed the power of home and changed the way we live (Norton, 2021) online
  270. 270Rima D. Apple, and Joyce Coleman, "'As Members of the Social Whole': A History of Social Reform as a Focus of Home Economics, 1895–1940." Family and Consumer Sciences Research Journal 32.2 (2003): 104
  271. 271Sarah Stage, and Virginia Bramble Vincenti, eds. Rethinking home economics: Women and the history of a profession (Cornell University Press, 1997) online.
  272. 272BookThe Girl Question: Vocational Training for Young Women in the Progressive EraJane B. Powers — Routledge — 1992
  273. 273Hugh D. Hindman, Child labor: an American history (M. E. Sharpe, 2002) online.
  274. 274William A. Link, The Paradox of Southern Progressivism 1880–1930 (1992) p. 170.
  275. 275BookA Fierce Discontent: The Rise And Fall Of The Progressive Movement In America, 1870–1920Michael McGerr — New York:Free Press — 2003
  276. 276Abraham Flexner, Flexner Report on Medical Education in the United States and Canada 1910 (new edition 1960)
  277. 277Lawrence Friedman and Mark McGarvie, Charity, philanthropy, and civility in American history (2003) p. 231
  278. 278W. Bruce Fye, "The Origins and Evolution of the Mayo Clinic from 1864 to 1939: A Minnesota Family Practice Becomes an International 'Medical Mecca'", Bulletin of the History of Medicine Volume 84, Num
  279. 279Steven J. Diner, A Very Different Age: Americans of the Progressive Era (1998) p. 186
  280. 280Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Parrington (1968)
  281. 281Joseph Dorfman, The economic mind in American civilization, 1918–1933 vol 3, 1969
  282. 282Barry Karl, Charles E. Merriam and the Study of Politics (1975)
  283. 283Moral Uplifting
  284. 284BookMaking Men Moral: Social Engineering During the Great WarNancy K. Bristow — NYU Press — 1997
  285. 285BookKeeping our fighters fit for war and afterEdward Frank Allen et al. — The Century Co., New York — 1918
  286. 287Nancy Cohen, The reconstruction of American liberalism, 1865–1914 (2002) p. 243
  287. 288Eric Goldman, Rendezvous with Destiny: A History of Modern American Reform (1952)
  288. 289Melvin G. Holli, Reform in Detroit: Hazen S. Pingree and Urban Politics (1969)
  289. 290David P. Thelen, The New Citizenship: Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin, 1885–1900 (1972)
  290. 291Kevin C. Murphy, Uphill all the way: The fortunes of progressivism, 1919–1929 (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 2013; ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 2013. 3552093.) online .
  291. 292Paul L. Murphy, "World War I and the Origin of Civil Liberties in the United States" (1979)
  292. 293Jane Addams, Bread and Peace in Time of War (1922)
  293. 294John Milton Cooper, Breaking the Heart of the World: Woodrow Wilson and the Fight for the League of Nations (2010)
  294. 295Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform (1955) p. 287
  295. 296Arthur S. Link, "What Happened to the Progressive Movement in the 1920s?", American Historical Review Vol. 64, No. 4 (Jul. 1959), pp. 833–851 .
  296. 297Niall A. Palmer, The Twenties in America: Politics and History (2006) p. 176
  297. 298Patrick Gerster and Nicholas Cords, Myth in American History (1977) p. 203
  298. 299BookTheodore RooseveltLouis Auchincloss — Times Books — 2001
  299. 300JournalCharles Evans Hughes and the Strange Death of Liberal AmericaJames A. Henretta — 2006
  300. 301BookThe White Court: Justices, Rulings, and LegacyRebecca S. Shoemaker — ABC-CLIO — 2004

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