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Khalistan movement

Ch. 1 of 8
— CH. 1 · A NAME IN A PAMPHLET —

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Khalistan movement

8 sections
  • The first explicit call for Khalistan came in 1940, in a pamphlet that took the word as its title. The Khalistan movement is a campaign for a sovereign homeland for Sikhs in the Punjab region, an ethno-religious state that has never existed on any map. The call for a separate Sikh state had begun in the 1930s, as British rule in India neared its end.

    The borders of the proposed country have never been fixed. Some groups want only the Sikh-majority Indian state of Punjab. Larger claims reach into Pakistani Punjab and into Chandigarh, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh.

    Few political ideas have had such an uneven life. For decades it lived at the margins, carried by exiles and waved away by officials. Later it became an armed insurgency, and the violence crossed continents. The insurgency faded, but the name did not.

    This documentary asks three questions. Who first drew these maps, and what were they trying to win? Why did a demand once dismissed as fringe become something people killed and died for? And why does the idea still reach into elections and street protests in India, Canada and beyond?

  • When the Muslim League's Lahore Resolution demanded that Punjab become a Muslim state, the Akali Dal read it as an attempt to usurp historically Sikh ground. The Sikh party answered that Sikhs were a community separate from both Hindus and Muslims. One version of its vision cast Khalistan as a theocratic state led by the Maharaja of Patiala. A cabinet of representatives from other units would advise him. The country would include parts of present-day Indian Punjab, parts of Pakistani Punjab including Lahore, and the Simla Hill States.

    In 1943 the Akali Dal backed a different plan, Azad Punjab, which was never meant to create a Sikh state. It proposed redrawing the province to cut away the overwhelmingly Muslim areas west of the Jhelum river. The party argued those lands were not truly Punjab and had been attached administratively under Maharaja Ranjit Singh. The target was a population of roughly 40% Muslim, 40% Hindu and 20% Sikh. No community would dominate, and Sikhs would hold the balance between the other two. Outside the Akali Dal the plan won little favour.

    Sikhistan was bolder. V. S. Bhatti had proposed a Sikh nation of that name in 1940, again led by the Maharaja of Patiala. The idea returned in mid-1944 at the All-Parties Sikh Conference in Amritsar. Akali Dal Sikhs felt betrayed by the C. R. formula, which would have split the Sikh population into two halves.

    Even its backers could not agree on the map. Giani Kartar Singh wanted the whole of Lahore, Karnal, Simla, Montgomery and Lyallpur districts. Baldev Singh pictured the Ambala, Jullunder and Lahore divisions. Master Tara Singh, who took up the cause, said only that a future Sikhistan would keep the right to federate with either Pakistan or India.

    On the 22nd of March 1946 the Akali Dal pressed the demand on the Cabinet Mission, which dismissed it as unrealistic and impossible. The historian Tan Tai Yong reads the demand as a sign of desperation. In his account, Sikh leaders feared a "Muslim Raj" and copied the Muslim League to win representation in postcolonial Punjab. He adds that they knew the demand would not be taken seriously.

    The numbers explain their anxiety. Before the partition of 1947, Sikhs held a majority in no district of British Punjab except Ludhiana, where they made up 41.6% of the population. Partition split the province between India and the new Pakistan, and most Sikhs and Hindus moved from the Pakistani side to India's Punjab. In some Pakistani districts the Sikh share had reached 19.8% in 1941. In Pakistan it fell to 0.1%. In India, Sikhs remained a minority in a Hindu-majority province. Afterwards, a Sikh publication called The Liberator argued for a Khalistan built from East Punjab and the Patiala and East Punjab States Union, with the Maharaja of Patiala as monarch.

    The historian Harjot Singh Oberoi doubts that land was ever central to Sikh identity. The Guru Granth Sahib draws on saints from both North and South India. Major seats of the faith, such as Takht Sri Patna Sahib in Bihar and Hazur Sahib in Maharashtra, lie outside Punjab. In his account, leaders in the late 1930s and 1940s foresaw Muslim dominance in Pakistan and Hindu dominance in India. They therefore argued that Punjab belonged to Sikhs and Sikhs to Punjab, a claim the Akali Dal formalised in a resolution in March 1946. Oberoi concludes that Khalistan was never a major issue until it began to militarise in the late 1970s and 1980s.

  • The Akali Dal was established on the 14th of December 1920 as a Sikh party that sought to govern Punjab. After Indian independence it led the Punjabi Suba movement, which asked for a province for Punjabi people. Its maximal position was a sovereign state, and its minimal position was an autonomous state within India. Delhi refused at first. After the bloodshed of partition, officials worried that a Punjabi-majority state would again mean a state drawn on religious lines.

    On the 7th of September 1966 Parliament passed the Punjab Reorganisation Act, effective from the 1st of November 1966. Punjab was divided into Punjab and Haryana, with certain areas going to Himachal Pradesh. Chandigarh became a centrally administered Union territory. The government of Indira Gandhi accepted the new Punjab but refused to make Chandigarh its capital or to make it autonomous. Many Sikhs felt the outcome fell short of what the movement's leaders had sought.

    Two more resentments piled on. Punjab and Haryana now shared one capital. A canal system was also built over the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rivers so that water could reach Haryana and Rajasthan, and Punjab would receive only 23% of it. After the Akali Dal lost the 1972 Punjab elections, it put forward the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. The document asked for radical devolution of power to the states. It also asked that Sikhism be recognised as a religion separate from Hinduism and that Chandigarh pass to Punjab. For some time it was largely forgotten.

    In 1982 the Akali Dal and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale joined hands to launch the Dharam Yudh Morcha, a campaign to implement the resolution. Thousands joined, hoping for a larger share of irrigation water and the return of Chandigarh. That November, Akali leader Harchand Singh Longowal announced that the party would disrupt the Asian Games in Delhi by sending workers to be arrested. A week before the Games, Bhajan Lal, the chief minister of Haryana, sealed the Delhi-Punjab border. Sikh visitors travelling to Delhi were frisked. Many Sikhs saw this as discriminatory and humiliating, and the Akalis managed only small, scattered protests. Yet many who had not backed the Akalis or Bhindranwale now began to sympathise. After the Games, a convention of Sikh veterans at the Darbar Sahib drew Major General Shabeg Singh, who later became Bhindranwale's military advisor.

    A constitutional grievance added fuel. In February 1984 the Akali Dal began fresh agitation over Article 25, clause 2(b), which says that references to Hindus include Sikhs, Jainas and Buddhists. A Sikh couple marrying by their own rites had to register under the Special Marriage Act of 1954 or the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955.

    Meanwhile the violence mounted. After six Hindu bus passengers were murdered in October 1983, emergency rule was imposed in Punjab and lasted more than a decade. Armed men were sheltering in gurdwaras, but the government said it could not enter them for fear of hurting Sikh sentiments. In a single six-month period of 1984, the state recorded 775 violent incidents, with 298 people killed and 525 injured.

  • Davinder Singh Parmar moved to London in 1954, and by his own account the first pro-Khalistan meeting he called drew fewer than 20 people. He was labelled a madman and won the support of exactly one person. He kept going anyway, and in the 1970s he raised the Khalistani flag in Birmingham.

    In 1969, two years after losing the Punjab Assembly elections, the Indian politician Jagjit Singh Chohan moved to the United Kingdom to campaign for Khalistan. His proposed state took in Punjab, Himachal and Haryana, along with parts of Rajasthan. Chohan and Parmar met in 1970 and announced the movement at a London press conference. The Sikh community largely dismissed them as a fanatical fringe without support.

    The war of 1971 between India and Pakistan changed Chohan's reach. He visited Pakistan as a guest of leaders such as Chaudhuri Zahoor Elahi, toured Nankana Sahib and several historic gurdwaras, and spread the idea of an independent Sikh state. The Pakistani press covered his remarks widely, and for the first time the international community, including India, heard the demand. According to Chohan, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto even proposed making Nankana Sahib the capital of Khalistan.

    On the 13th of October 1971, Chohan was in the United States at the invitation of diaspora supporters. He placed an advertisement in the New York Times proclaiming an independent Sikh state. The publicity let him collect millions of dollars from the diaspora. It eventually brought charges in India relating to sedition and other crimes.

    Chohan returned to India in 1977, travelled to Britain in 1979, and declared the formation of a Council of Khalistan at Anandpur Sahib on the 12th of April 1980. He named himself president and Balbir Singh Sandhu its Secretary General. In May 1980 Chohan announced the formation of Khalistan in London, while Sandhu made a similar announcement in Amritsar and released stamps and currency. Working from a building called Khalistan House, Chohan named a cabinet and declared himself president of a "Republic of Khalistan". He issued symbolic passports, postage stamps and Khalistan dollars. He also opened embassies in Britain and other European countries. It is reported that a wealthy Californian peach magnate helped him open an Ecuadorian bank account.

    Chohan kept contact with groups in Canada, the United States and Germany, and with Bhindranwale, who was campaigning for a theocratic Sikh homeland. Even so, the movement stayed nearly invisible on the global political scene until June 1984.

  • Lieutenant General Kuldip Singh Brar, himself a Sikh, surrounded the Harmandir Sahib complex in Amritsar on the 3rd of June 1984. Operation Blue Star ran from the 1st to the 8th of June. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi ordered it to remove Bhindranwale and his armed followers from the buildings of the Golden Temple, the most sacred site in Sikhism. In July 1983, Harchand Singh Longowal had invited Bhindranwale to take up residence in the complex, which the government later alleged he turned into an armoury and headquarters. Since the start of the Dharam Yudh Morcha, Khalistani militants had directly killed 165 Hindus and Nirankaris and 39 Sikhs opposed to Bhindranwale. A total of 410 people had died and 1,180 had been injured in Khalistani violence and riots.

    Before the assault, Brar told his troops: "The action is not against the Sikhs or the Sikh religion; it is against terrorism." He told them anyone with strong religious sentiments could opt out without penalty. None did. The Army, supported by the Central Reserve Police Force, the Border Security Force and the Punjab Police, used a public address system to demand surrender. Nothing happened until 7:00 pm. The troops had grossly underestimated the militants, who fired anti-tank and machine-gun rounds from the fortified Akal Takht and held Chinese-made rocket-propelled grenade launchers. After a 24-hour shootout the Army wrested control of the complex. Bhindranwale was killed, and many of his followers escaped.

    The casualty counts remain disputed. Army figures listed 83 dead and 249 injured, though Rajiv Gandhi later admitted that over 700 soldiers died. The Indian Government's official estimate was 493 militant and civilian casualties, with 1592 people apprehended. Independent estimates say over 5,000 civilians and only 200 militants were killed. UK Foreign Secretary William Hague blamed the high civilian toll on a full frontal assault that diverged from the advice of the UK military. Brar later said the government had "no other recourse". In his telling, the state machinery was in militant hands, a declaration of Khalistan was imminent, and Pakistan would have declared its support.

    A striking counter-argument holds that the operation helped create the very movement it targeted. G.B.S. Sidhu, a former special secretary at India's Research and Analysis Wing, said the agency itself helped "build the Khalistan legend". Posted in Ottawa in 1976, he found "nothing amiss" during three years of watching the diaspora. He said the agency opened seven posts in Western Europe and North America in 1981 to counter activity that did not exist. He called the secessionist movement a "chimera" until the army operation. A New York Times article written weeks after the raid noted that Bhindranwale had said many times he sought only greater autonomy within the Indian Union. The writer Khushwant Singh observed that considerable Khalistan sentiment seemed to have arisen only after the raid. The Mitrokhin Archive adds a further claim. It says Soviet disinformation fed to Indira Gandhi through a recruit called "Agent S" pushed her toward the operation.

    On the 31st of October 1984, two of her personal security guards, Satwant Singh and Beant Singh, both Sikhs, assassinated Indira Gandhi in New Delhi. They acted in retaliation for Blue Star. The killing set off the 1984 anti-Sikh riots across North India. The ruling Indian National Congress said the violence was spontaneous, while critics alleged its members had planned a pogrom. The Nanavati Commission concluded that Congress leaders including Jagdish Tytler, H. K. L. Bhagat and Sajjan Kumar had taken a direct or indirect role. Kamal Nath, accused of leading riots near Rakab Ganj, was cleared for lack of evidence. A joint report by two civil-liberties organisations named 16 significant politicians, 13 police officers and 198 others accused by survivors and eyewitnesses.

  • In 1985 the Rajiv-Longowal Accord offered the most serious political settlement of the era. Harchand Singh Longowal, back at the head of the Akali Dal, condemned Sikh extremist violence and declared that his party did not favour Khalistan. He and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi agreed to set up commissions and independent tribunals on the Chandigarh issue and the river dispute. The deal laid the basis for an Akali Dal election victory. Militants who refused to give up the demand for Khalistan denounced it, and extremists assassinated Longowal. India pointed to a "foreign hand" and accused Pakistan of providing sanctuary, arms, money and moral support. Most of those accusations rested on circumstantial evidence.

    On the 23rd of June 1985, a bomb destroyed a Boeing 747 operating Air India Flight 182 on the Montreal-London-Delhi-Bombay route, off the coast of Ireland. All 329 people aboard died, including 268 Canadian citizens, 27 British citizens and 24 Indian citizens. The same day, a luggage bomb linked to the plot exploded at Narita International Airport in Tokyo. It was meant for Air India Flight 301 and killed two baggage handlers. The total was 331 dead across five countries. The main suspects were members of the Sikh separatist group Babbar Khalsa. In 2007 a Canadian Commission of Inquiry examined reports that Lakhbir Singh Rode had masterminded the blasts. Two separate Canadian inquiries nonetheless determined that the mastermind was a Canadian named Talwinder Singh Parmar. Inderjit Singh Reyat pleaded guilty to manslaughter in 2003 and was the only person convicted. He received fifteen years for assembling the bombs.

    On the 26th of January 1986, militants occupying the Golden Temple again, from the All India Sikh Students Federation and the Damdami Taksal, called a Sarbat Khalsa and passed a resolution in favour of Khalistan. They dissolved the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, the only body with authority to appoint the jathedar. Their own appointee refused to follow their bidding, so the militant leader Gurbachan Singh Manochahal appointed himself by force. On the 29th of April 1986, separatists at the Akal Takht declared an independent Khalistan. Armed militants of the period called themselves kharku. Groups such as the Khalistan Commando Force, formed by the Sarbat Khalsa in 1986, waged the insurgency. Attacks included the 1987 Lalru bus massacre and the 1991 killings in Ludhiana.

    The ballot box told a harsher story. In the 1989 parliamentary elections, Sikh separatist representatives won 10 of Punjab's 13 national seats and held the most popular support. According to the account, the Indian National Congress cancelled those elections and hosted what became known as a Khaki election. Separatists boycotted it, turnout was 24%, and Congress won. By the end of 1993, most of the separatist leadership was gone and the moderates were suppressed.

    Two episodes from the 1990s show the wider reach of the violence. On the 30th of September 1990, about 200 militants attacked the house of Balwinder Singh in Bhikhiwind, Tarn Taran. The Sandhu family fought back with weapons supplied by police, killed several attackers and forced the rest to flee, and they received the Shaurya Chakra. In August 1991, Julio Ribeiro, then India's ambassador to Romania, was wounded in an assassination attempt in Bucharest. Sikh groups later claimed the kidnapping of Liviu Radu, the Romanian chargé d'affaires in New Delhi, who was released unharmed after Sikh politicians criticised the action. In October 1991 the New York Times reported that Indian security forces or Sikh militants were killing 20 or more people a day. The scholar Ian Talbot has written that all sides, including the Army, the police and the militants, committed murder, rape and torture.

    On the 31st of August 1995, a suicide bomb killed Punjab's Chief Minister Beant Singh. Babbar Khalsa claimed responsibility, though security authorities doubted its involvement. A 2006 press release from the United States Embassy in New Delhi pointed instead to the Khalistan Commando Force.

  • Kanwar Pal Singh Gill, a Sikh police officer, led the Punjab Police through its fiercest campaign against the militants. Several militant leaders were killed, and others surrendered and were rehabilitated. Gill credited the decline to a change in policy, which added enough police and security forces to deal with the militancy. He also credited clear political will from the government, without interference. The campaign has its critics. Human Rights Watch reported that since 1984 government forces had used arbitrary arrest, indefinite detention without trial, torture and summary executions. Family members were often detained and tortured to reveal where wanted relatives were hiding. Rights activists allege that thousands of suspects died in staged shootouts and that thousands of bodies were cremated without identification or post-mortems. Amnesty International alleged cases of disappearance, torture, rape and unlawful detention. By December 2002, between 75 and 100 police officers had been convicted.

    The movement also undermined itself. According to Kumar in 1997, the name Khalistan was wishful thinking, and it expressed only revulsion against the Indian establishment without offering an alternative. In later years the militants lacked an ideological motivation, and criminals and government loyalists entering their ranks split the groups further. Puri, Judge and Sekhon, writing in 1999, suggested that under-educated young men with poor job prospects joined for the primary purpose of fun. Anthropological analysis points to excitement and expressions of masculinity. They found that pursuing Khalistan itself motivated only 5% of militants.

    Divisions among Sikhs ran deep. According to Pettigrew, non-Jat urban Sikhs did not want to live in a country of "Jatistan". Many people in the region traditionally preferred police and military careers, so the Punjab Police had a majority of Jat Sikhs. Gill himself called the conflict "Jat against Jat". Moderate factions of the Akali Dal under Parkash Singh Badal won back political positions in the state, including in the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee elections. Traditional parties reasserted their dominance over the factions associated with militants. Sikh groups such as the Khalsa Raj Party and the Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) kept pursuing Khalistan through non-violent means.

    Observers soon began writing its obituary. The US Department of State found that Sikh extremism decreased significantly from 1992 to 1997, though a 1997 report noted that cells remained active internationally. In 1999 the commentator Kuldip Nayar wrote that the Sikh masses had rejected terrorists. By 2001, Sikh extremism and the demand for Khalistan had all but abated. Mark Juergensmeyer interviewed a militant who told him "the movement is over", because colleagues had been killed, imprisoned or driven into hiding and public support was gone. In 2007 Simrat Dhillon wrote that the movement had lost its popular support in India and in the diaspora. A group called the Shaheed Khalsa Force claimed the 1997 marketplace bombings in New Delhi. It has never been heard of since.

  • Years before the 1971 war, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, then a member of General Yahya Khan's military regime, had spoken of Kashmir being taken at any price, "even the Sikh Punjab and turned into Khalistan." After Bhutto, General Zia-ul Haq tried to reverse the old antipathy between Sikhs and Muslims by restoring Sikh shrines in Pakistan and opening them to pilgrims. Expatriate Sikhs from England and North America who visited were at the forefront of the calls for Khalistan, and in Pakistan they met Khalistani propaganda that could not be spread openly in India. The ISI chief, General Abdul Rahman, opened a cell to support the "freedom struggle against India". Sikhs in the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States arranged for cadres to travel to Pakistan for military and financial help.

    Gurdwaras became the diaspora's organising centres. Some rooms displayed pictures of Khalistani leaders beside paintings of martyrs from Sikh history. Factions fought for control of gurdwaras and their money, and the fights between pro and anti-Khalistan groups sometimes brought violence and bloodshed in Britain and North America. The first International Convention of Sikhs met in New York in April 1981 with some 200 delegates. The third convention, in Slough, Berkshire, in April 1987, aimed to build unity in the Khalistan movement. Khalistan was a member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization from the 24th of January 1993 to the 4th of August 1993. The suspension was made permanent on the 22nd of January 1995.

    In 2021 Sikhs for Justice began an unofficial, non-binding "referendum" on creating a Khalistan state that would include the whole of Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, plus several districts of other Indian states. Votes have been held in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Italy, England and the United States, and news reports say hundreds of thousands of Sikhs took part. At a vote in Melbourne in January 2023, two brawls broke out between Khalistan supporters and pro-India demonstrators. Two people were injured and two men were arrested.

    In August 2022, Amritpal Singh rose to prominence as head of Waris Punjab De, an organisation that backed pro-Khalistan figures. On the 18th of March 2023, Indian authorities began a crackdown on the group and launched a manhunt. Singh evaded capture for 35 days and was arrested on the 23rd of April 2023. Protests among diaspora Sikhs followed. Most passed without incident, but in London a mob attacked the Indian High Commission and tried to pull down the Indian flag. In San Francisco, Khalistani supporters set the Indian consulate on fire on the 2nd of July 2023, and the fire department quickly put it out.

    On the 18th of June 2023, Hardeep Singh Nijjar was shot dead in the parking lot of a Sikh temple in Surrey, British Columbia. India accused him of orchestrating targeted killings and had unsuccessfully sought his extradition. A Globe and Mail report a year later said some Canadian security officials doubted there was enough evidence to arrest him and distrusted Indian intelligence evidence. The same report said interviews showed he was steeped in Sikh extremism. Journalists in Canada have also been targeted. Radio host Deepak Punj was assaulted in February 2022, and in October 2024 Rishi Nagar was attacked after reporting on firearms arrests at a Calgary gurdwara. Peel Police suspended an off-duty sergeant after the November 2024 clash at the Hindu Sabha Mandir in Brampton. On the night of the 5th of May 2026, the Khalistan Liberation Army claimed twin blasts in Jalandhar.

    At the ballot box the cause is small but visible. The Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar), the only pro-Khalistan party recognised by India's Election Commission, contested 81 of 117 seats in the 2022 Punjab election. It won 386,176 votes, or 2.48%. In 2024, its leader Simranjit Singh Mann lost the Sangrur seat with 18.55% of the vote, two years after winning a by-election there with 35.61%. In the 2024 general election in Punjab, the party ran in 12 of 13 constituencies and won none. Two independents tied to the movement did win. Amritpal Singh took Khadoor Sahib with 404,430 votes while incarcerated. Sarabjeet Singh Khalsa, son of the assassin of Indira Gandhi, took Faridkot with 298,062. All pro-Khalistan candidates together gathered 1,219,516 votes, about 9% of roughly 13,530,000 cast.

Updated

Common questions

What is the Khalistan movement?

The Khalistan movement is a separatist campaign to create a sovereign homeland for Sikhs, an ethno-religious state called Khalistan in the Punjab region. Its proposed boundaries vary between groups.

When did the Khalistan movement begin?

The call for a separate Sikh state began in the 1930s, and the first explicit call for Khalistan came in 1940 in a pamphlet titled "Khalistan". The movement became militant in the late 1970s and 1980s.

What was Operation Blue Star in the Khalistan movement?

Operation Blue Star was an Indian military operation ordered by Indira Gandhi and carried out from the 1st to the 8th of June 1984. It aimed to remove Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his armed followers from the Golden Temple complex in Amritsar. Bhindranwale was killed.

Why did the Khalistan movement decline in Punjab?

The Khalistan movement declined because of a heavy police crackdown under Punjab police chief K. P. S. Gill, factional infighting and a loss of support among Sikhs in Punjab. Militants also lacked a clear political concept of Khalistan.

Who was responsible for the Air India Flight 182 bombing linked to the Khalistan movement?

Two Canadian inquiries determined that Talwinder Singh Parmar masterminded the bombing of Air India Flight 182 on the 23rd of June 1985, which killed 329 people. The main suspects were members of Babbar Khalsa. Inderjit Singh Reyat was the only person convicted.

Which party represents the Khalistan movement in Indian elections?

Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar) is the only pro-Khalistan party recognised by the Election Commission of India. In the 2022 Punjab Legislative Assembly election it won 2.48% of the vote.

What role did the Sikh diaspora play in the Khalistan movement?

The Sikh diaspora supplied financial and diplomatic support, with gurdwaras serving as sites for organising and raising funds. Jagjit Singh Chohan and Davinder Singh Parmar launched the movement from London in 1970.

All sources

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