Glorious Revolution

• 1. Introduction

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  The Glorious Revolution ended in a matter of weeks what had taken decades of political struggle to build: the absolute authority of a Stuart king over England, Scotland, and Ireland. On the 5th of November 1688, a Dutch fleet carrying 15,000 regular troops and thousands of volunteers landed at Torbay on the Devon coast. By the 23rd of December, King James II was fleeing to France. His replacement was his own daughter and son-in-law, ruling jointly as Mary II and William III.

  The questions this story raises cut to the heart of how power actually works. How did a Protestant majority that had welcomed James only three years earlier come to abandon him so completely? What role did the Dutch Republic play, and why? Was this truly a revolution, or simply a successful foreign invasion dressed up in constitutional language? And what did it mean that the man who replaced an English king was a Dutch stadtholder who cared primarily about stopping France?

  The answers run through the back rooms of The Hague, the pulpits of England, the battlefields of Ireland, and the drawing rooms of a political class trying to decide whether to gamble everything on an invasion from abroad.

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• 2. The King Who Eroded His Own Base

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  James became king in February 1685 with support from Protestants in England and Scotland, and from largely Catholic Ireland, despite having converted to Roman Catholicism during the years of the English Civil War. His initial popularity was genuine enough that June 1685 saw him crush Protestant uprisings in both Scotland and England without much difficulty.

  But James misread the terms of that support. The landed gentry who backed him did so on one essential condition: that the Protestant Church of England and Church of Scotland would remain supreme. His faith was his own business. His policies were another matter.

  The gentry in England and Scotland were overwhelmingly Protestant. Even in Catholic-majority Ireland, a disproportionate share of the gentry belonged to the Protestant Church of Ireland. These supporters accepted James's personal religion. What they could not accept was his attempt to translate it into policy.

  His drive to grant Catholics the right to hold public office required Parliament to repeal the Test Acts of 1678 and 1681. Parliament refused, and James suspended it in November 1685. He began ruling by decree. He dismissed judges who disagreed with the scope of that power. He suspended Henry Compton, Bishop of London, for refusing to silence an anti-Catholic preacher. He placed suspected Catholics on the Ecclesiastical Commission set up to discipline the Church of England.

  The clumsiness was sometimes remarkable. In April 1687 he ordered Magdalen College, Oxford, to elect a Catholic sympathiser named Anthony Farmer as president. Farmer was ineligible under the college's own statutes, so the fellows elected John Hough instead. James forced both Farmer and Hough out in favour of his own candidate, then demanded the fellows personally apologise on their knees for defying him. When they refused, he replaced them with Catholics.

  In Ireland, the Lord Deputy, the Earl of Tyrconnell, accelerated the replacement of Protestant officials with Catholics at a pace that alarmed even those who had no objection to reform in principle. England was watching Ireland, and England did not like what it saw.

  Catholics made up only 1.1% of England's population; Nonconformists, whose support James was also courting, made up only 4.4%. His attempt to build a political coalition from these two small minorities, while dismantling the institutions that the Protestant majority depended on, was not a strategy. It was a miscalculation that cost him everything.

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• 3. William's Strategic Calculation

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  William III of Orange had married James's elder daughter Mary in 1677, making him both son-in-law and nephew to the English king. Their early relationship was cooperative; William even sent James troops to help suppress the Monmouth Rebellion in 1685. By 1686 it had deteriorated badly.

  William's concern was not England for its own sake. His overriding objective was building a coalition capable of stopping French expansion in Europe. France had continued pushing into the Rhineland after the Franco-Dutch War, and in October 1685 Louis XIV revoked the Edict of Nantes, driving an estimated 200,000 to 400,000 French Protestants into exile, 40,000 of whom settled in London alone. In July 1686, Protestant states formed the anti-French League of Augsburg with Dutch support.

  For William, England represented resources: its navy above all. The Royal Navy could tip the balance in any war with France. If James aligned England with Louis, William faced catastrophe. When James asked William to back the repeal of the Test Acts, William refused. Their relationship collapsed entirely.

  In August 1687, William's cousin de Zuylestein visited England ostensibly to offer condolences on the death of Mary of Modena's mother. In practice, he was making contact with the political opposition. Throughout 1688, William's English supporters fed him detailed intelligence on public opinion and developments, very little of which James's government intercepted.

  The strategic calculation hardened in the first half of 1688. A pamphlet by Dutch Grand Pensionary Gaspar Fagel, circulating in England early that year, guaranteed William's support for Dissenters' freedom of worship and for keeping the Test Acts. He was positioning himself as the alternative that Protestant England actually wanted.

  When James in April 1688 ordered his Declaration of Indulgence read in every church, and the Archbishop of Canterbury along with six other bishops refused and were charged with seditious libel and confined in the Tower of London, William had his opening. Two events in June closed it shut: the acquittal of the Seven Bishops on the 30th destroyed James's political authority in England, and the birth of James Francis Edward Stuart on the 10th created the prospect of a Catholic dynasty stretching into the future.

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• 4. The Invitation and the Invasion

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  Henry Sydney drafted the document that Whig historians would later call "the great wheel on which the Revolution rolled." The Invitation to William was a formal request from seven named signatories asking William to come to England and "rescue the nation and the religion." The signatories were chosen to represent a broad spectrum: Danby for the Tories, Devonshire for the Whigs, Henry Compton for the church, Shrewsbury and Lumley for the army, and Russell and Sydney for the navy. On the 30th of June, Rear Admiral Herbert carried the document to The Hague disguised as a common sailor.

  William assembled 260 transport ships and 15,000 men, nearly half the entire Dutch States Army. Bentinck hired 13,616 German mercenaries to man Dutch border fortresses so that elite units like the Scots Brigade could be freed for England. The States General authorised 9,000 additional sailors and 21 new warships. The Amsterdam financial market raised four million guilders in three days; additional financing included two million guilders from the banker Francisco Lopes Suasso.

  The invasion fleet was the largest assembled in European waters up to that date, with over 400 ships of various types carrying 40,000 men. It departed on the 19th of October (Gregorian calendar), was scattered by a gale, regrouped, and on the 1st of November set out again. On the 3rd of November the fleet entered the English Channel in a formation 25 ships deep, troops lined up on deck firing musket volleys, colours flying and military bands playing.

  William reached Torbay on the 5th of November. The same easterly wind that drove the Dutch down the Channel trapped Dartmouth's fleet in the Thames estuary, leaving him unable to intercept. The Declaration of The Hague, written by Fagel and translated by Gilbert Burnet, was distributed in 60,000 English copies after the landing. It stated William's aim was to ensure a free Parliament and investigate the legitimacy of the Prince of Wales. He would, it claimed, respect James's position.

  For the claim that William had no intention of becoming king, his own subsequent conduct would provide the answer. His envoy Johann von Görtz had already told Emperor Leopold that the expedition's purpose was to elect a free Parliament, not to depose James. It was, as the source notes, a convenient fiction.

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• 5. The Collapse

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  James had 19,000 men at Salisbury when he joined them on the 19th of November. On paper his army numbered around 34,000, but morale was brittle, many were untrained, and the transfer of 2,500 Catholics from the Royal Irish Army in September had led to clashes with Protestant troops. On the 14th of August, John Churchill had already written to William offering his support, helping convince him the invasion was viable. James knew of the conspiracy and did nothing.

  Officers began defecting between the 10th and the 20th of November, the numbers relatively small but the psychological impact severe. On the 20th of November, royal dragoons clashed with Williamite scouts at Wincanton. Along with a minor skirmish at Reading on the 9th of December, this was the sum total of military action in the campaign.

  On the 23rd of November, worn out, suffering from debilitating nose-bleeds and lacking reliable intelligence on William's movements, James agreed to retreat. On the 24th of November, Churchill, Grafton, and Princess Anne's husband George deserted to William. Anne herself followed on the 26th of November. The peers still in London urged James to call free elections and negotiate.

  Instead, James chose flight. The Queen and Prince of Wales left for France on the 9th of December. James followed on the 10th of December, accompanied only by Edward Hales and Ralph Sheldon. He dropped the Great Seal into the River Thames hoping to prevent Parliament from being summoned. He was captured near Faversham on the 11th of December by local fishermen. When he entered London on the 16th of December he was welcomed by cheering crowds.

  William's response to this awkward moment was almost elegant in its practicality. He recommended James relocate to Ham House, a property conveniently easy to escape from. James proposed Rochester instead, allegedly because his guard was stationed there, in reality because it offered easy access to ships bound for France. On the 23rd of December James left for France. Two days earlier, blank passports had arrived in Rochester for members of his family. His guards had been instructed not to impede his escape.

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• 6. Settlement, Scotland, and Ireland

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  Elections for a Convention Parliament were held in early January 1689, and the Convention assembled on the 22nd of January. On the 6th of February Parliament declared that by choosing exile James had abdicated and vacated the Crown. It was offered jointly to William and Mary.

  At their coronation on the 11th of April, William and Mary swore to govern according to statutes agreed in Parliament and to preserve the Protestant Reformed faith. The Declaration of Right, later incorporated into the Bill of Rights in December 1689, made keeping a standing army without parliamentary consent illegal. It also established the Coronation Oath Act, which codified the obligations the monarchy owed to the people. Historian Tim Harris identifies the idea of a contract between ruler and people as the most radical act of the entire revolution.

  Scotland followed a parallel but distinct path. On the 16th of March 1689, James's letter to the Scottish Convention, demanding obedience and threatening punishment, was read aloud to the delegates. Its aggressive tone drove some Episcopalian delegates out of the chamber, costing James support he could not afford to lose. The Convention argued that James had forfeited his throne through his actions, a stronger claim than England's language of abdication. On the 11th of April the Claim of Right Act made Parliament the primary legislative power in Scotland. The 1689-1691 Jacobite Rising forced William into concessions to the Presbyterians that ended Episcopacy in Scotland.

  Ireland was bloodier. James landed there on the 12th of March 1689 with 6,000 French troops and the backing of a Jacobite army of around 36,000, though it was poorly equipped and nearly impossible to supply. The Jacobites occupied much of Ireland but could not take Derry. Williamite general Schomberg landed in Belfast Lough in August with 15,000 troops, but logistics failures stalled his advance at Dundalk. William himself assumed command and won the Battle of the Boyne in July 1690. The war in Ireland ended with the Treaty of Limerick in October 1691, after which the bulk of Williamite forces was shipped to the Low Countries to continue the fight against France.

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• 7. An Alliance That Reshaped the World

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  The Dutch Republic entered the post-1688 period in a stronger military position than it had known for years. But the costs accumulated. The War of the Spanish Succession ended in 1712 with the Republic financially exhausted. Its fleet was allowed to deteriorate. The main Dutch trading and banking houses moved much of their activity from Amsterdam to London after 1688. Between 1688 and 1720, world trade dominance shifted from the Republic to Great Britain.

  The naval treaty signed on the 19th of April (Julian calendar) 1689 between England and the Dutch set the formal terms of the partnership. It stipulated that the combined Anglo-Dutch fleet would always be commanded by an Englishman even if of lower rank; the Dutch agreed to this to make their dominance over the English army more acceptable. The ratio of English to Dutch naval vessels was fixed at five to three, effectively committing the Dutch Republic to a permanently smaller navy than England.

  James's commander-in-chief, the Earl of Feversham, had disbanded the English army in December 1688, so it had to be rebuilt from the ground up. According to historian Jonathan Scott, the state and discipline of the rank and file was described as deplorable, with a lack of experience and competence at every level. William appointed Dutch officers to key positions to reform the English army on the Dutch model.

  On the 9th of September 1689, William as King of England joined the League of Augsburg against France. The alliance between England and the Dutch Republic persisted for much of the 18th century, despite diverging objectives. Steven Pincus argues the revolution also marked an economic turning point: after 1689, England moved from James's mercantilist model of finite wealth acquired through conquest toward an understanding of wealth as created by human endeavour. This shift led to the foundation of the Bank of England, the creation of Europe's first widely circulating credit currency, and what Pincus calls the beginning of the Age of Projectors. Adam Smith would articulate the underlying principle in 1776.

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• 8. What Was It, Really

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  Thomas Macaulay framed the events of 1688 as a bloodless triumph of English common sense, a consensual affirmation of limited monarchy and tempered liberty. Edmund Burke set the interpretive tone even earlier, declaring that "The Revolution was made to preserve our ancient indisputable laws and liberties, and that ancient constitution of government which is our only security for law and liberty."

  Historian J. R. Jones offered a sharper verdict: the invasion should be seen as the first and arguably the only decisive phase of the Nine Years' War. John Childs went further, arguing there was no natural political turmoil in England in 1688 sufficient to produce the overthrow of a king. Jonathan Israel contends that due to the Dutch occupation of London, Parliament was hardly free when it decided to accept William.

  A third interpretation comes from Steven Pincus, who views the revolution as a genuinely divisive and violent event involving all classes of English society, not just aristocratic protagonists. Pincus argues that James was attempting to build a powerful centralised autocratic state on French-style lines, using the East India Company as a tool for imperial expansion through war with the Dutch and the Mughal Empire. The alternative that replaced it was not simply a restored ancient constitution but a new political economy.

  Karl Marx read it differently still, describing it as essentially conservative: an alliance between English commercial and industrial bourgeoisie and increasingly commercialised large landowners.

  The label "Glorious" was applied by Protestant preachers two decades after the events, not by those who lived through them. News of the revolution reached English colonies in North America in 1689, leading to a revolt in Boston and the dissolution of the Dominion of New England. The principles encoded in the Declaration of Right and the Bill of Rights 1689 would later influence the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights. Catholic emancipation, which William had promised in his Declaration of October 1688, was delayed by domestic opposition until 1829.

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