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— CH. 1 · INTRODUCTION —

The Troubles

~11 min read · Ch. 1 of 8
8 sections
  • The Troubles , Na Trioblóidí in Irish , scarred Northern Ireland for roughly thirty years, from the late 1960s to 1998. More than 3,500 people died. Of them, 52% were civilians: shopkeepers, teenagers, families asleep in their beds. The conflict left no corner of Northern Irish society untouched, and its reverberations crossed into the Republic of Ireland, England, and mainland Europe.

    At its core, this was not a religious war, even though it divided along the lines of Protestant and Catholic. It was a political struggle over a fundamental question: should Northern Ireland remain part of the United Kingdom, or join a united Ireland? Unionists and loyalists , mostly Ulster Protestants , fought to stay in Britain. Irish nationalists and republicans , mostly Catholics , wanted to leave. That division, planted in the soil of 17th-century plantation settlements and centuries of colonial policy, erupted with devastating force in the late 1960s.

    How did a civil rights march end in a thirty-year war? Who were the people who carried out the bombings, the hunger strikes, the assassinations? And what finally brought it to an end? The answers reach back to 1609, run through the bloodiest single day of the entire conflict, and arrive at a hotel in Brighton, a hotel restaurant in Comber, a cenotaph in Enniskillen, and ultimately, a peace agreement that reshaped what it meant to govern a divided society.

  • In 1609, Scottish and English settlers known as planters were given land taken from the native Irish in the Plantation of Ulster. That act of dispossession set in motion a chain of conflict that would echo for centuries. Two bloody religious wars followed , the Irish Confederate Wars of 1641 to 1653, and the Williamite War of 1689 to 1691 , both ending in Protestant victories. The Penal Laws that followed curtailed the religious, legal, and political rights of Catholics and Protestant Dissenters alike, cementing Anglican dominance in Ireland.

    As those laws were gradually phased out in the late 18th century, new tensions emerged over land. Catholics, newly permitted to rent and buy, competed with Protestants who had long held economic advantages. Protestant "Peep o' Day Boys" and Catholic "Defenders" emerged as opposing factions. Reformist impulses among Protestants collapsed, replaced by hardening sectarianism.

    The Act of Explanation of 1665 gives a glimpse of how the word "troubles" already carried weight in this period , the Irish Parliament used it to describe the upheavals of the previous generation. The Orange Order, founded in 1795 to uphold Protestant faith and loyalty to the heirs of William of Orange, dates from this same era and remains active to this day. Each layer of history added another grievance, another loyalty, another reason to distrust the neighbour across the street , and all of it was still alive, barely beneath the surface, when the 1960s arrived.

  • On the 20th of June 1968, nationalist Member of Parliament Austin Currie squatted in a house in Caledon, County Tyrone, to protest housing discrimination. The local council had allocated the property to an unmarried 19-year-old Protestant , Emily Beattie, secretary to a local Unionist politician , instead of either of two large Catholic families with children. One of the RUC officers who forcibly removed Currie was Beattie's own brother. The incident lit a fuse.

    The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association had already been campaigning on multiple fronts: an end to job discrimination, an end to gerrymandering of electoral boundaries, one person one vote in local elections, and reform of a police force that was over 90% Protestant and widely accused of sectarianism. The RUC's Special Powers Act allowed police to arrest without charge, ban publications, and search without a warrant , and it was used almost exclusively against nationalists.

    On the 5th of October 1968, a civil rights march in Derry was banned by the Northern Ireland government. When marchers defied the ban, RUC officers surrounded them and beat them indiscriminately and without provocation. More than 100 people were injured, including nationalist politicians. The incident was filmed by television news crews and broadcast around the world, triggering two days of rioting in Derry.

    On the 1st of January 1969, People's Democracy began a four-day march from Belfast to Derry. At Burntollet Bridge, the marchers were ambushed by about 200 loyalists armed with iron bars, bricks, and bottles , including some off-duty police officers. That night, RUC officers rampaged through the Bogside area of Derry, attacking homes and residents. Residents sealed off the Bogside with barricades, briefly creating "Free Derry" , a no-go area for the security forces. The civil rights movement had collided head-on with the state.

  • On the 12th of August 1969, the loyalist Apprentice Boys of Derry were permitted to march along the edge of the Bogside. Taunts turned into stones and petrol bombs. The RUC, backed by loyalists, tried to storm the Bogside using CS gas, armoured vehicles, and water cannons. Nationalists held them off for three days in what became known as the Battle of the Bogside.

    In Belfast, loyalists invaded nationalist districts, burning houses and businesses , described at the time as the worst assaults on Catholic areas since the 1920s. The RUC deployed Shorland armoured cars mounted with heavy Browning machine guns. One Shorland opened fire on a block of flats in a nationalist district, killing nine-year-old Patrick Rooney, who was shot in the head while asleep in bed by a bullet that passed through two walls. He was the first child killed by police in the conflict.

    On the 13th of August, Taoiseach Jack Lynch made a television address condemning the RUC and declaring that the Irish Government "can no longer stand by and see innocent people injured and perhaps worse". He called for a United Nations peacekeeping force and said that Irish Army field hospitals were being set up near Derry. Some interpreted the speech as a threat of military intervention. Secretly, Lynch ordered the Irish Army to plan for a possible humanitarian intervention , a plan codenamed "Exercise Armageddon" that was rejected and remained classified for thirty years.

    British troops were deployed in Derry and Belfast on 14 and the 15th of August under Operation Banner, which would become the British Army's longest operation. Ten people had been killed during the riots. Between July and the 1st of September, 505 Catholic and 315 Protestant families were forced to flee their homes. The Irish Army set up refugee camps near the border. On the 10th of September, the British Army began constructing the first "peace wall" , a barrier intended to keep the Falls and Shankill communities apart. It was described as temporary. It still stands today.

  • Bloody Sunday fell on the 30th of January 1972. Soldiers of the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment , known as "1 Para" , opened fire on an anti-internment rally in Derry organised by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, shooting dead thirteen unarmed men. A fourteenth man died of his injuries some months later. Fifteen other civilians were wounded. It was the largest number of civilians killed in a single shooting incident during the entire conflict.

    The killing transformed Catholic opinion. Recruitment to the Provisional IRA surged. The Provos had already split from the older IRA in the late 1960s, committed to armed struggle in a way the older organisation had abandoned. In 1972, the Provisional IRA killed approximately 100 members of the security forces, wounded 500 others, and carried out approximately 1,300 bombings, mostly against commercial targets. On Bloody Friday, the 21st of July, they detonated 22 bombs in the centre of Belfast, killing nine people. Ten days later, a triple car bombing in Claudy killed nine civilians.

    That year, nearly 500 people were killed , just over half of them civilians , the worst single year of the entire conflict. British troop concentrations reached a ratio of 1 to 50 of the civilian population, described as the highest ratio in the history of counterinsurgency warfare. The British government responded in March 1972 by suspending the Stormont parliament and introducing direct rule from London.

    Between 1971 and 1975, 1,981 people were interned without trial; 1,874 were Catholic or republican, and 107 were Protestant or loyalist. Interrogation methods used by police and army were ruled illegal by a British government inquiry in 1972. Among nationalists, internment was not just an injustice , it was a recruiting tool, and the evidence showed that very few of those initially detained were actually republican activists.

  • From 1972 onward, paramilitaries convicted of offences were tried in juryless Diplock courts and treated as ordinary criminals. More than 500 republican prisoners in the Maze prison refused to accept that designation. They launched the "blanket" and "dirty" protests, refusing prison uniforms and smearing their cells with excrement. Those protests culminated in hunger strikes in 1980 and 1981, demanding restoration of political status.

    In the 1981 hunger strike, ten republican prisoners died of starvation , seven from the Provisional IRA and three from the Irish National Liberation Army. The first to die, Bobby Sands, was elected to Parliament on an Anti-H-Block ticket while still on hunger strike. His election agent, Owen Carron, won the seat after Sands's death. Over 100,000 people attended Sands's funeral mass in West Belfast, and thousands more attended the funerals of the other hunger strikers.

    The hunger strikes demonstrated something the Provisional IRA had not previously considered: the potential power of electoral politics alongside armed struggle. Sinn Féin, which had become the Provisional IRA's political wing, began contesting elections in both Northern Ireland and the Republic for the first time in the wake of the strikes. In 1986, Sinn Féin recognised the legitimacy of the Irish Dáil, causing a small group of members to break away and form Republican Sinn Féin. The ballot box, which had seemed irrelevant to those committed to armed struggle, was now part of the strategy.

  • On the 12th of October 1984, the IRA detonated a 100-pound time bomb in the Grand Brighton Hotel, where Margaret Thatcher and other politicians were staying for the Conservative Party conference. The bomb exploded in the early hours of the morning, killing five people including Conservative MP Sir Anthony Berry, and injuring 34 others. Thatcher escaped. The attack made vivid what the Provisional IRA's "Long War" strategy meant in practice: a sustained campaign of violence, indefinitely prolonged, capable of reaching anywhere in Britain.

    Three years later, on the 8th of November 1987 in Enniskillen, County Fermanagh, a Provisional IRA time bomb exploded during a Remembrance Sunday ceremony near a cenotaph at the heart of the parade. Eleven people were killed , ten civilians and one RUC officer , and 63 were injured. Former school headmaster Ronnie Hill was seriously injured, slipped into a coma two days later, and remained in that condition for more than a decade before dying in December 2000. The unit that carried out the bombing was disbanded.

    The outrage at Enniskillen was near-universal, including within the republican community. But the violence did not stop. In March 1988, three IRA volunteers were shot dead by the SAS at a Shell petrol station on Winston Churchill Avenue in Gibraltar, in what became known as Operation Flavius. At their funeral in Belfast's Milltown Cemetery, loyalist Michael Stone threw grenades into the crowd and opened fire, killing three people including IRA volunteer Kevin Brady. At Brady's funeral, two plain-clothes British Army corporals , David Howes and Derek Wood , drove into the funeral cortege. The crowd, believing them to be loyalists repeating Stone's attack, pulled them from their car. They were killed by the IRA. Three funerals, two additional killings, one within days of the other: this was the recursive logic of tit-for-tat violence that the Long War had produced.

  • On the 31st of August 1994, the IRA declared a ceasefire. Six weeks later, the loyalist paramilitaries, temporarily united in the "Combined Loyalist Military Command", reciprocated. In 1995, the United States appointed George J. Mitchell as Special Envoy for Northern Ireland. He was recognised not as a token appointment but as representing President Bill Clinton's genuine personal investment in the peace process.

    The ceasefire collapsed on the 9th of February 1996, when the IRA detonated a bomb in the Canary Wharf area of London, killing two people, injuring 39, and causing £85 million in damage. On the 15th of June 1996, the IRA bombed central Manchester , the largest bomb attack in Britain since the Second World War , causing an estimated £411 million in damage. Over 200 people were injured; the attack avoided fatalities only because of a telephone warning and the rapid response of emergency services.

    The last British soldier killed during the Troubles was Lance Bombardier Stephen Restorick, shot dead by the IRA's South Armagh sniper at a checkpoint near Bessbrook on the 12th of February 1997. The IRA reinstated its ceasefire in July 1997. Talks produced the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, which restored self-government to Northern Ireland on the basis of power-sharing. It included acceptance of the principle of consent, commitments to civil and political rights, police reform, paramilitary disarmament, and early release of paramilitary prisoners.

    In August 1998, a Real IRA bomb in Omagh killed 29 civilians, the most killed by a single bomb during the entire conflict. The bombing , carried out by a splinter group that rejected the Agreement , turned much of the remaining support for dissident republicans against them. The Police Service of Northern Ireland replaced the RUC, required to recruit at least a 50% Catholic quota for ten years. The Diplock courts were eventually removed under the Justice and Security (Northern Ireland) Act 2007. The peace walls built in 1969 as temporary barriers remain in place.

Common questions

How many people were killed during the Troubles in Northern Ireland?

More than 3,500 people were killed during the Troubles. Of those deaths, 52% were civilians, 32% were members of the British security forces, and 16% were members of paramilitary groups. Republican paramilitaries were responsible for 60% of total deaths, loyalist paramilitaries for 30%, and security forces for 10%.

What caused the Troubles in Northern Ireland?

The Troubles grew from a political and nationalist struggle over the status of Northern Ireland , whether it should remain part of the United Kingdom or join a united Ireland. The immediate trigger was a civil rights campaign by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association against discrimination in housing, employment, and voting rights. That campaign was met with violence from loyalists and suppression by the RUC, escalating into three decades of armed conflict.

What was Bloody Sunday in Northern Ireland?

Bloody Sunday occurred on the 30th of January 1972 in Derry, when soldiers of the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment shot dead thirteen unarmed men at a civil rights rally. A fourteenth man died of his injuries months later, and fifteen other civilians were wounded. It was the largest number of civilians killed in a single shooting incident during the Troubles, and it significantly increased Catholic support for the Provisional IRA.

What ended the Troubles in Northern Ireland?

The Troubles are generally considered to have ended with the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. The Agreement restored self-government to Northern Ireland on a power-sharing basis and included commitments to civil rights, police reform, paramilitary disarmament, and early release of paramilitary prisoners. Both IRA and loyalist paramilitary ceasefires preceded the Agreement, beginning in 1994.

Who was Bobby Sands and what was his role in the Troubles?

Bobby Sands was a Provisional IRA prisoner in the Maze prison who led the 1981 hunger strike demanding restoration of political status for republican prisoners. While on hunger strike, he was elected to Parliament on an Anti-H-Block ticket. He died of starvation, becoming the first of ten republican prisoners to die in the strike. Over 100,000 people attended his funeral mass in West Belfast.

What was the worst single bombing of the Troubles?

The Omagh bombing of August 1998 killed 29 civilians, the most killed by a single bomb during the Troubles. It was carried out by the Real IRA, a splinter group that rejected the Good Friday Agreement. The bombing widely discredited dissident republican groups in the eyes of many who had previously supported the Provisional IRA's campaign.

All sources

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