Emotion
No one felt emotions before about 1830. That claim sounds absurd until you trace the word itself. "Emotion" entered the language in 1579, borrowed from the French emotion, rooted in the Old French emouvoir, meaning "to stir up." For centuries people felt something, but they named it differently. They felt passions, accidents of the soul, moral sentiments, and they explained those feelings in ways foreign to us now. The modern idea of emotion was coined in the early 1800s by Thomas Brown, and only around the 1830s did the concept settle into English as we use it. Here is the strange part. After two decades of intensifying research across psychology, medicine, history, sociology, computer science, and philosophy, there is still no scientific consensus on what an emotion actually is. So what are these states that stir us up? Why can scientists scan the brain with positron emission tomography and functional magnetic resonance imaging yet still argue over a definition? And how did thinkers from Aristotle to a man injecting patients with epinephrine try to pin them down?
From a mechanistic angle, an emotion has been defined as "a positive or negative experience that is associated with a particular pattern of physiological activity." That definition hides a fight. Emotions are complex, built from multiple components: subjective experience, cognitive processes, expressive behavior, psychophysiological changes, and instrumental behavior. For a long time, scholars tried to collapse the whole thing into a single one of those parts. William James staked emotion on subjective experience. The behaviorists bet on instrumental behavior. The psychophysiologists pointed to physiological changes. Each claimed their component was the real thing.
Klaus Scherer's Component Process Model lays out five crucial elements that must coordinate and synchronize for a brief moment, driven by appraisal. There is cognitive appraisal, which evaluates events and objects. There are bodily symptoms, the physiological side. There are action tendencies, the motivational push that prepares motor responses. There is expression, the facial and vocal signals that broadcast reaction and intention. And there are feelings, the subjective experience once the emotion has already occurred. Including cognitive appraisal as one element stays slightly controversial, because some theorists treat emotion and cognition as separate systems that merely interact.
Peggy Thoits, working in sociology, described emotions through physiological components, cultural labels like anger and surprise, expressive body actions, and the appraisal of situations and contexts. Sorting emotion this way exposes a deeper split, the divide many people assume between thinking and feeling, with reasoning and decision-making filed away as separate from emotional processes. Not every theory accepts that divide as valid, and the man who challenged it most sharply did so by studying a damaged brain.
"Reason is, and ought to be, the slave of the passions." That line belongs to David Hume, the Scottish thinker who argued in his A Treatise of Human Nature, dated 1773, that actions are motivated by "fears, desires, and passions." Reason alone, Hume insisted, can never be a motive to any act of will and can never oppose passion in steering it. Reason serves and obeys. For Hume, action and further conduct bend to the desires and experience of the self.
Aristotle reached a different but equally bold conclusion long before, holding that emotions were an essential component of virtue. In his view all emotions, which he called passions, corresponded to appetites or capacities. During the Middle Ages that Aristotelian view was taken up and developed by scholasticism, and by Thomas Aquinas in particular. The contest over emotion drew in a roster of Western philosophers, Plato, Descartes, Aquinas, and Hobbes among them, each proposing competing theories of human action and its consequences.
Antonio Damasio gave the old argument a physical body. In his book Descartes' Error, he described a subject with ventromedial frontal lobe damage who had lost the physiological capacity for emotion. That loss wrecked the subject's ability to make decisions, even though the faculties for rationally weighing options stayed intact. The lesson reversed the ancient Greek ideal of dispassionate reason. Emotion, it turned out, is necessarily integrated with intellect, a finding that pushed modern neuroscience to abandon the model of feeling and reason as opposing forces.
For more than 40 years, Paul Ekman has argued that emotions are discrete, measurable, and physiologically distinct. His most influential work showed that certain emotions are universally recognized, even in preliterate cultures that could not have learned facial associations through media. Another study found that when participants contorted their faces into expressions like disgust, they reported subjective and physiological experiences matching the expression. Ekman's facial-expression research examined six basic emotions: anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and surprise.
Daniel Cordaro and Dacher Keltner, both former students of Ekman, stretched that short list. Their cross-cultural studies found evidence in facial and vocal expressions for amusement, awe, contentment, desire, embarrassment, pain, relief, and sympathy. They also found facial expressions for boredom, confusion, interest, pride, and shame, plus vocal expressions for contempt, relief, and triumph.
Robert Plutchik shared Ekman's biological view but built the "wheel of emotions," naming eight primary emotions in opposing pairs: joy versus sadness, anger versus fear, trust versus disgust, and surprise versus anticipation. Like primary colors blending, he proposed, primary emotions could combine into the full spectrum of feeling, so that interpersonal anger and disgust blend into contempt.
Jaak Panksepp carved emotion into seven biologically inherited primary affective systems, writing them in capitals: SEEKING, FEAR, RAGE, LUST, CARE, PANIC/GRIEF, and PLAY. He proposed a "core-SELF" generating these affects. A different method skipped categories entirely. Cowen and Keltner used statistics on emotions stirred by short videos and identified 27 varieties of experience, from admiration and adoration to nostalgia, romance, and entrancement.
"We feel sad because we cry, angry because we strike, afraid because we tremble." William James turned common sense inside out in his 1884 article, arguing that feelings and emotions were secondary to physiological phenomena. The perception of what he called an "exciting fact" triggered a bodily response first, and that response was the emotion. As he put it, "the perception of bodily changes, as they occur, is the emotion." The Danish psychologist Carl Lange proposed a similar idea around the same time, so the pairing became the James-Lange theory. Picture a snake. It triggers a racing heart and faster breathing, and the brain reads that pattern as fear. Most contemporary neuroscientists, Tim Dalgleish argues, have embraced a modified James-Lange view in which bodily feedback modulates the experience of emotion.
Walter Bradford Cannon pushed back hard. He agreed physiological responses mattered but denied they alone could explain subjective experience. Bodily responses, he said, were too slow and often imperceptible to account for the rapid, intense awareness of emotion, and the fight-or-flight reactions were too undifferentiated to produce emotion's richness and variety. Phillip Bard, working with animals, found that sensory, motor, and physiological information all had to pass through the diencephalon, particularly the thalamus, before further processing. So Cannon argued a snake triggers a physiological response and a conscious emotion simultaneously.
Stanley Schachter added a second stage. He built on the Spanish physician Gregorio Maranon, who injected patients with epinephrine and found most felt something but, lacking a real stimulus, could not interpret the arousal as an emotion. With his student Jerome Singer, Schachter showed that subjects injected with epinephrine expressed either anger or amusement depending on whether a nearby confederate displayed that emotion. Arousal plus appraisal made the feeling, a two-factor account later criticized in Jesse Prinz's 2004 book Gut Reactions.
Olfaction, the sense of smell, may be where mammalian emotion began. When night-active mammals arrived, smell replaced vision as the dominant sense while reptiles slept, and a new way of responding arose from the olfactory sense. That is one proposed reason olfactory lobes are proportionally larger in mammalian brains than in reptiles. Those odor pathways gradually formed the neural blueprint for what became the limbic brain. Pioneering work by Paul Broca in 1878, James Papez in 1937, and Paul D. MacLean in 1952 tied emotion to a group of central structures called the limbic system, including the hypothalamus, cingulate cortex, and hippocampi.
Love, in the neurobiological account, is the expression of complex neural networks involving the ventral tegmental area, thalamus, substantia nigra, putamen, caudate nucleus, and anterior cingulate cortex. Fear and anxiety, once thought to come only from the brain stem, turn out to involve the amygdala, which coordinates behavioral input based on neurotransmitters responding to threat. Blanchard and colleagues, in 2001, found that given stimuli produced similar patterns of defensive behavior toward threats in human and non-human mammals.
The prefrontal cortex sharpened the picture through competing predictions. The valence model predicted that anger, a negative emotion, would activate the right prefrontal cortex. The direction model predicted that anger, as an approach emotion, would activate the left prefrontal cortex. The second model won support. Research on shyness and behavioral inhibition then backed the action tendency model, linking passivity to right prefrontal activity.
Bud Craig, in 2003, split emotion into two classes. There are "classical" emotions like love, anger, and fear evoked by the environment, and "homeostatic emotions" evoked by body states such as pain, hunger, and fatigue. Derek Denton called the latter "primordial emotions," defining them as "the subjective element of the instincts," the genetically programmed patterns that contrive homeostasis, including thirst and hunger for air, each carrying a compelling intention for gratification.
"You don't get emotions. You create them." Lisa Feldman Barrett's theory of constructed emotion treats feelings like anxiety as socially constructed, not switched on by a trigger. Emotions, she says, emerge from a combination of the physical properties of your body, a flexible brain that wires itself to whatever environment it develops in, and your culture and upbringing. Joseph LeDoux draws a related line between the human defense system, which evolved over time, and emotions like fear and anxiety. The amygdala may release hormones at the sight of a snake, but, in his words, "then we elaborate it through cognitive and conscious processes."
Paul E. Griffiths and Andrea Scarantino built a situated perspective that breaks from both cognitivist and neo-Jamesian views, which treat emotion as a purely internal process. They see emotion as the product of an organism investigating its environment and observing the responses of other organisms. Expression, voluntary and involuntary, can function as a strategic move in transactions between organisms, and conceptual thought is not an inherent part of emotion. They suggested this view could illuminate phobias as well as the emotions of infants and animals.
Genetics anchors the biological half of the debate. In the five million years since the lineages leading to humans and chimpanzees split, only about 1.2 percent of their genetic material has been modified, which implies that everything separating us, including our behaviors, sits in that small amount of DNA. In voles, minor genetic differences in a vasopressin receptor gene track major species differences in social organization and mating. The FOXP2 gene, involved in neural circuitry for speech and language, differs from the chimpanzee form by only a few mutations and has been present for about 200,000 years, coinciding with the beginning of modern humans.
Bharata Muni named nine rasas, or emotions, in the Natyasastra, an ancient Sanskrit text on dramatic theory written between 200 BC and 200 AD. Those rasas still underpin the aesthetics of Indian classical dance and theatre, including Bharatanatyam, kathak, Kuchipudi, Odissi, Manipuri, Kudiyattam, and Kathakali. Among them are Shringara, romance and love, Hasyam, laughter and mirth, Raudram, fury and anger, Karunyam, compassion, Bibhatsam, disgust, Bhayanakam, horror, Veeram, pride and heroism, and Adbhutam, surprise and wonder. Other traditions read emotion differently. In Chinese antiquity, excessive emotion was believed to damage qi, which in turn harms the vital organs. In the early 11th century, Avicenna theorized about the influence of emotions on health and behavior, urging that they be managed.
Sociology turned emotion into a study of social order. Jonathan Turner, writing in 2007 and 2009, identified four primary emotions founded on human neurology: assertive-anger, aversion-fear, satisfaction-happiness, and disappointment-sadness. These combine into first-order elaborations such as pride, triumph, and awe. Emile Durkheim, in 1915, described the "collective effervescence" experienced during totemic rituals in Australian Aboriginal society, a heightened emotional energy that lifted individuals above themselves. Randall Collins later formulated interaction ritual theory from Durkheim's work, mapping the emotional energy people draw from face-to-face encounters. Arlie Russell Hochschild's concept of emotional labor anchored the study of emotion in organizations, and the University of Queensland hosts EmoNet, an email list established in January 1997 with over 700 members worldwide.
Computer science gave emotion a machine to study it. The modern branch began with Rosalind Picard's 1995 paper on affective computing, the design of systems that can recognize, interpret, and process human emotions. Detection starts with passive sensors that capture a user's physical state without interpreting it, gathering cues analogous to those humans use to read others. Emotional speech processing reads emotional state from speech patterns, while detectors and sensors track facial expression and body gestures. Charles Darwin set the stage for all of it in his 1872 book The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals, arguing that emotional expressions have evolutionary origins, are universal across human cultures, and appear in homologous forms in other animals.
Common questions
What is the definition of emotion in psychology?
Emotions are physical and mental states brought on by neurophysiological changes, associated with thoughts, feelings, behavioral responses, and a degree of pleasure or displeasure. There is no scientific consensus on a single definition. From a mechanistic view, emotion has been defined as a positive or negative experience associated with a particular pattern of physiological activity.
When did the word emotion first appear in English?
The word emotion dates back to 1579, adapted from the French emotion, which comes from the Old French emouvoir, meaning to stir up. The modern concept was coined in the early 1800s by Thomas Brown, and the modern idea of emotion emerged in English around the 1830s.
What are the six basic emotions identified by Paul Ekman?
Paul Ekman's facial-expression research examined six basic emotions: anger, disgust, fear, happiness, sadness, and surprise. For more than 40 years he has argued that emotions are discrete, measurable, and physiologically distinct, and that certain emotions are universally recognized even in preliterate cultures.
What is the James-Lange theory of emotion?
The James-Lange theory holds that emotions are feelings that result from physiological changes rather than causing them. William James argued in his 1884 article that the perception of bodily changes, as they occur, is the emotion, so a person feels afraid because they tremble. The Danish psychologist Carl Lange proposed a similar theory at around the same time.
How does the brain produce emotion according to neurobiology?
Neurobiology locates emotion in the limbic system of the mammalian brain, including the hypothalamus, cingulate cortex, and hippocampi, identified through work by Paul Broca in 1878, James Papez in 1937, and Paul D. MacLean in 1952. The amygdala coordinates behavioral responses to threat, while love involves networks including the ventral tegmental area, thalamus, substantia nigra, putamen, caudate nucleus, and anterior cingulate cortex.
What is the theory of constructed emotion by Lisa Feldman Barrett?
Lisa Feldman Barrett's theory of constructed emotion argues that emotions are socially constructed rather than triggered. She says emotions emerge from a combination of the physical properties of your body, a flexible brain that wires itself to its environment, and your culture and upbringing.
What are the nine rasas in the Natyasastra?
Bharata Muni enunciated the nine rasas, or emotions, in the Natyasastra, an ancient Sanskrit text written between 200 BC and 200 AD. They include Shringara for romance and love, Hasyam for laughter, Raudram for fury, Karunyam for compassion, Bibhatsam for disgust, Bhayanakam for horror, Veeram for pride and heroism, and Adbhutam for surprise and wonder.
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