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Copernican heliocentrism

Ch. 1 of 8
— CH. 1 · INTRODUCTION —

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Copernican heliocentrism

8 sections
  • In 1543, a book appeared that asked its readers to believe the Earth was moving. Its author, Nicolaus Copernicus, placed the Sun near the center of the Universe and set Earth and the other planets circling it. For centuries, astronomers had worked with the opposite picture, in which Earth stood fixed at the center. Oddly, Copernicus kept much of the old machinery. His planets still traveled in circles, carried on smaller circles called epicycles, at perfectly uniform speeds. Those inherited assumptions were false, yet they sat beside ideas that proved sound.

    This documentary asks where such a mixed model came from, and who had imagined a moving Earth before him. It asks why most astronomers who read the book declined to accept it, and what finally turned the argument. And it asks a quieter question that historians still dispute, which is whether any of this deserves to be called a revolution at all.

  • Philolaus, writing in the 4th century BC, is among the first thinkers known to have suggested that the Earth moves. He was probably inspired by Pythagoras, who described the Earth as a spherical, moving globe. In the 3rd century BCE, Aristarchus of Samos went further and proposed what appears to be the first serious heliocentric model of the Solar System. He built on Heraclides Ponticus, who had spoken of the Earth turning on its axis once every 24 hours.

    Aristarchus's own text is lost. We know of it because Archimedes described it in The Sand Reckoner, addressing King Gelon directly. In that account, the fixed stars and the Sun stay unmoved, while the Earth travels around the Sun on a circle. The sphere of stars is so vast that Earth's orbit stands to it as a center stands to a surface. Archimedes noted that this made the universe many times larger than astronomers usually claimed.

    A common belief holds that Aristarchus's contemporaries rejected his idea. That belief rests on a tampered translation. Plutarch reported that Cleanthes, head of the Stoics and a worshiper of the Sun, opposed the heliocentric view. Aristarchus joked that Cleanthes should be charged with impiety. Gilles Ménage, shortly after the trials of Galileo and Giordano Bruno, swapped the grammatical roles in the passage. The accusation then fell on Aristarchus, and the image of an isolated, persecuted astronomer survives to this day.

    In 499 CE, the Indian astronomer and mathematician Aryabhata, influenced by Greek astronomy, described a planetary model in which the Earth rotates on its axis. He used that rotation to explain the apparent westward motion of the stars. His followers were especially strong in South India, where they taught the daily rotation of the Earth and wrote secondary works built on his principles. The model that ruled Europe, however, came from a treatise dating to about 150 AD.

  • Around 150 AD, Claudius Ptolemy produced the Almagest, and for roughly 1,400 years afterward it shaped European astronomy. Throughout the Middle Ages it was treated as the authoritative text, though its author remained poorly understood. People often mistook him for one of the Ptolemaic rulers of Egypt. The historian Thomas Kuhn gave the Almagest a striking verdict in The Copernican Revolution. He called it the "first systematic mathematical treatise to give a complete, detailed, and quantitative account of all the celestial motions."

    In this geocentric picture, the Earth stood still at the center. The stars were embedded in a large outer sphere that rotated relatively fast. The planets lived in smaller spheres between, with a separate one for each. Planets sometimes appear to run backward against the stars, and the system handled this with deferents and epicycles. A planet revolved in a small circle, the epicycle, about a point. That point itself revolved in a larger circle, the deferent, centered on or near the Earth.

    A rival toolkit ran alongside it. Homocentric spheres, first devised by Eudoxus of Cnidus, let the spheres that carried planets rotate somewhat themselves. By the time of Copernicus, this approach was associated with Averroes. Astronomers also liked eccentrics, in which the rotational axis was offset and not quite at the center.

    Ptolemy's own unique contribution was the equant. This was a point about which the center of a planet's epicycle moved at a steady angular speed, even though the point sat off-center from the deferent. That broke a fundamental principle of Aristotelian cosmology, which demanded that planetary motions be explained by uniform circular motion. Many medieval astronomers saw the equant as a serious defect. Removing it would later become the stated aim of Copernicus.

  • Al-Sijzi, an Islamic astronomer, invented an astrolabe based on a belief held by some of his contemporaries. In his words, "the motion we see is due to the Earth's movement and not to that of the sky." A 13th-century Arabic work shows he was not alone. It reports that, according to the geometers, the earth is in constant circular motion.

    In the 12th century, Nur ad-Din al-Bitruji proposed a complete alternative to Ptolemy, though not a heliocentric one. He called the Ptolemaic system an imaginary model, successful at predicting planetary positions but neither real nor physical. His alternative spread through most of Europe during the 13th century.

    Then came the mathematics. Mu'ayyad al-Din al-Urdi, Nasir al-Din al-Tusi and Ibn al-Shatir, working in the 13th and 14th centuries, devised techniques for geocentric models that closely resemble those Copernicus later used. Copernicus's planetary models contain the Urdi lemma and the Tusi couple, as in the Arabic sources. In his Commentariolus, the way he swapped the equant for two epicycles appears earlier in al-Shatir's work. Al-Shatir's lunar and Mercury models match his exactly.

    How these ideas reached Copernicus is unsettled. Some scholars argue he must have seen a work not yet identified, though no likely candidate has turned up. Others say he could have developed the ideas on his own. One possible route ran through Byzantine science. Gregory Chioniades translated some of al-Tusi's works into Byzantine Greek, and several Byzantine Greek manuscripts containing the Tusi couple still survive in Italy. Other proposed sources are Proclus's Commentary on the First Book of Euclid, which Copernicus cited, and Nicole Oresme's Questiones de Spera.

    Europeans had their own hints of a Sun-centered order. Martianus Capella, in the 5th century AD, held that Venus and Mercury circled the Sun and not the Earth. Copernicus mentions him as an influence. Macrobius described a heliocentric model in 420 CE. John Scotus Eriugena, who lived from 815 to 877 CE, proposed a model reminiscent of the one Tycho Brahe would later devise.

    The closest teachers of Copernicus were Georg von Peuerbach, who lived from 1423 to 1461, and his student Regiomontanus, who lived from 1436 to 1476. Their Theoricae novae planetarum, compiled from Regiomontanus's lecture notes in 1454, was printed in 1472. It presented Ptolemy with more mathematical elegance but did not reach heliocentrism. By 1470, the observations of their Vienna school were accurate enough to make heliocentrism look almost inevitable. Regiomontanus may even have reached it some 30 years before Copernicus, since a late work attends to Aristarchus and a letter mentions the "motion of the Earth." Regiomontanus taught Domenico Maria Novara da Ferrara, and Novara taught Copernicus.

  • De revolutionibus orbium coelestium, or On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres, was printed in Nuremberg in 1543, the year Copernicus died. A second edition followed in Basel in 1566. Copernicus had circulated an outline of his theory to colleagues sometime before 1514. He decided to publish only after his pupil Rheticus urged him to.

    Inspiration came not from watching the planets but from reading. Cicero gave Copernicus an account of the theory of Hicetas. Plutarch described the Pythagoreans Heraclides Ponticus, Philolaus and Ecphantes. All of them proposed a moving Earth, though none put it in orbit around a central Sun. An early manuscript that survives cites two of them: "Philolaus believed in the mobility of the earth, and some even say that Aristarchus of Samos was of that opinion." The passage was dropped from the printed book. The reason is unknown, though reluctance to quote pre-Christian sources is one guess.

    The universe he described had the Sun fixed near its center. Around it, in order, came Mercury, Venus, the Earth with the Moon, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, and the fixed stars. The Earth carried out three motions: a daily rotation, an annual revolution, and an annual tilting of its axis. The distance from Earth to the Sun was small compared with the distance to the stars. Strictly, Copernicus put the Sun near the center of the universe and not exactly at it. That makes his model technically heliostatic rather than heliocentric.

    Most sixteenth-century readers valued something else in it. By replacing the equant with additional epicycles, Copernicus delivered what they considered his major achievement.

    The opening pages carried an unauthorized, anonymous preface by Andreas Osiander, a Lutheran theologian and friend of the author. It declared that the Earth's movement was a mathematical hypothesis, not a claim of truth or even probability. The idea seemed to contradict the account of the Sun's movement in Joshua 10:12-13, so the preface was apparently meant to soften religious backlash. No evidence suggests Copernicus himself saw his model as merely convenient mathematics.

    The author's own front matter began with a letter from his friend Nikolaus von Schönberg, Cardinal Archbishop of Capua, who had died by then. The letter urged Copernicus to publish. A lengthy introduction followed, dedicating the book to Pope Paul III. Copernicus named his ostensible motive as the failure of earlier astronomers to agree on a theory of the planets. He added that better predictions would let the Church build a more accurate calendar. Reform of the Julian Calendar was considered necessary then, and it was a major reason for the Church's interest in astronomy.

    The work ran to six books. The first gave a general view of the heliocentric idea. The second set out spherical astronomy and a list of stars. The third dealt with the apparent motions of the Sun, and the fourth with the Moon. Only the last two books, covering planetary longitude and then latitude, laid out the new system in concrete detail.

  • Around 500 copies of the first and second editions of the book have survived, a large number by the scientific standards of the time. Readers took it seriously, yet few conceded that the Earth actually moves. The model was not markedly easier to use than the geocentric theory, and it produced no more accurate predictions of planetary positions. Copernicus knew this. He offered no observational proof, relying instead on arguments for a more complete and elegant system. To many readers it also seemed to defy common sense and the Bible.

    Tycho Brahe, arguably the most accomplished astronomer of his time, admired the elegance but objected on grounds of physics, astronomy and religion. Aristotelian physics could not explain how a massive body like Earth could move. It could easily explain the heavens, which were made of a substance called aether that moved naturally. Tycho wrote that the system "expertly and completely circumvents all that is superfluous or discordant in the system of Ptolemy." Then came his complaint: it gave the Earth, "that hulking, lazy body, unfit for motion, a motion as quick as that of the aethereal torches, and a triple motion at that." Forty-five years after publication, Tycho built a cosmology precisely equivalent to that of Copernicus, but with the Earth held fixed. Practicing astronomers who accepted heliocentrism appeared only after Galileo.

    His sharpest astronomical objection concerned the sizes of the stars. To the naked eye, stars appear to have measurable sizes. Unknown to sixteenth-century astronomers, this came from diffraction, an optical effect of the wave-like nature of light. Geocentric astronomers could set the stars just beyond Saturn's orbit, and even the largest would be comparable to the Sun. A moving Earth, however, should produce stellar parallax, a shift in the positions of stars. Nobody could detect it, so the stars had to lie much farther away.

    Tycho reasoned that parallax could not be significantly above a minute of arc, or his measurements would have caught it. That meant the stars lay over 700 times the Sun-to-Saturn distance away. A typical third magnitude star measured about one arc minute across. With an annual parallax of one arc minute, its size would be comparable to the orbit of Earth. First magnitude stars would be larger still. Brahe declared such immense stars absurd.

    Christoph Rothmann and other Copernicans answered by appealing to God. They said the stars were enormous as symbols of divine greatness, and likened them to the fore-court in front of God's palace. Their opponents replied that God could indeed make such stars. But they regarded everything else in creation as proportionate and harmonious, so gigantic stars seemed out of character.

    The telescope at first made things worse. Small-aperture instruments of the 17th century produced Airy disks, artefacts of diffraction, which astronomers mistook for the physical bodies of stars. Simon Marius even argued that the disks undermined Copernicus and supported Tycho. In the late seventeenth century, astronomers found that the apparent sizes were spurious. Stars passing behind the Moon vanished at once, not gradually as a large body would. By the early 18th century, Edmund Halley was calling the bigness of stars an "Optick Fallacy."

  • Johannes Kepler and Galileo adopted the Copernican model, championed it, and in Kepler's case sought to improve it. In 1609, Kepler published Astronomia nova. Using Tycho Brahe's detailed observations, he found that the orbit of Mars is an ellipse with the Sun at one focus. Its speed varied with its distance from the Sun. He claimed that all planets had elliptical orbits and non-uniform motion, adding that the Sun "will melt all this Ptolemaic apparatus like butter." The irony is that Kepler's laws of planetary motion later replaced the Copernican model itself.

    In 1610, Galileo pointed the newly invented telescope at the sky. He saw four large moons of Jupiter, proof that the Solar System held bodies that did not orbit Earth. He saw the phases of Venus, which the Ptolemaic theory could not properly explain. And he followed sunspots, whose apparent annual variation indicated that the Sun rotates about a fixed axis. Giovanni Zupi used a telescope to see the phases of Mercury in 1639.

    In 1687, Isaac Newton proposed universal gravity and the inverse-square law of gravitational attraction. These explained Kepler's elliptical planetary orbits.

    From a modern point of view, the Copernican model has real advantages. Copernicus gave a clear account of the seasons, tracing them to the fact that Earth's axis is not perpendicular to the plane of its orbit. He also offered a simpler explanation of retrograde motion, treating it as a parallactic displacement caused by the Earth's own travel around the Sun. This weighed heavily in Kepler's conviction that the theory was substantially correct. In the geocentric model, by contrast, epicycles handled the same apparent backward motion in an ad hoc way, and their revolutions were mysteriously tied to that of the Sun.

  • In the 20th century, Thomas Kuhn popularized the phrase "Copernican Revolution." He also presented the model as the first example of a paradigm shift in human knowledge. Historians of science still argue over whether Copernicus's propositions were revolutionary or conservative.

    Herbert Butterfield, in The Origins of Modern Science, calls the model "irrelevant to the present day." Arthur Koestler, in The Sleepwalkers, published in 1959, denies that the system was a discovery. He calls it "a last attempt to patch up an out-dated machinery." Even Kuhn conceded that Copernicus only transferred "some properties to the Sun's many astronomical functions previously attributed to the earth."

    Otto Neugebauer goes further, writing that "Copernican solar theory is definitely a step in the wrong direction." The science historian David Wootton denies that Copernicus was a catalyst for the later intellectual revolution that turned astronomy into the first modern science.

    Koestler's book carries the subtitle A History of Man's Changing Vision of the Universe, which shows how large a claim these critics were weighing against one astronomer's modest, circular, epicycle-filled model.

Updated

Common questions

What was Copernican heliocentrism?

It was the astronomical model published by Nicolaus Copernicus in 1543. It placed the Sun near the center of the Universe, with Earth and the other planets orbiting it in circular paths modified by epicycles.

Was Copernicus the first to propose that the Earth moves?

No. Philolaus in the 4th century BC and Aristarchus of Samos in the 3rd century BCE had proposed a moving Earth or a Sun-centered system. Aryabhata described Earth's rotation in 499 CE, and several Islamic astronomers questioned Earth's immobility.

Was the Copernican model more accurate than Ptolemy's?

No. It gave no more accurate predictions of planetary positions, and it was not markedly easier to use. Its appeal for many astronomers was that it removed the equant.

Why did Tycho Brahe reject it?

He objected on grounds of physics, astronomy and religion. He saw no stellar parallax, which would require stars of absurd size in a Copernican universe, and he disliked giving a motion to the Earth. He built an equivalent system with Earth fixed at the center.

What was Osiander's preface?

It was an unauthorized, anonymous preface added to the book by the Lutheran theologian Andreas Osiander. It called the Earth's motion a mathematical hypothesis, apparently to soften religious backlash. There is no evidence Copernicus saw his own model that way.

What replaced the Copernican model?

Kepler's laws of planetary motion replaced it. Kepler showed in 1609 that planetary orbits are elliptical, and Newton's universal gravity later explained those orbits.

All sources

73 references cited across the entry

  1. 2Lucio Russo, Silvio M. Medaglia, Sulla presunta accusa di empietà ad Aristarco di Samo, in Quaderni urbinati di cultura classica, n.s. 53 (82) (1996), pp. 113–121
  2. 3Lucio Russo, The forgotten revolution, Springer (2004)
  3. 4McCluskey (1998), p. 27
  4. 5BookThe Copernican Revolution: Planetary Astronomy in the Development of Western ThoughtThomas S. Kuhn — Harvard University Press — 1992
  5. 6Ptolemaic SystemColumbia University Press
  6. 7Gingerich (2004), p. 53
  7. 8Aryabhata the ElderUniversity of St Andrews, Scotland
  8. 9Sarma, K. V. (1997) "Astronomy in India" in Selin, Helaine (editor) Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures, Kluwer Academic Publishers, , p. 116
  9. 10Tusi and Copernicus: The Earth's Motion in ContextF. Jamil Ragep — Cambridge University Press — 2001a
  10. 13JournalCosmology and Religion in IslamAlessandro Bausani — 1973
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  12. 15BookReligion, Learning and Science in the 'Abbasid PeriodCambridge University Press — 2006-11-02
  13. 17Al-Bitruji Al-Ishbili, Abu IshaqJulio Samsó — Charles Scribner's Sons — 1970–1980
  14. 18William Stahl, trans., Martianus Capella and the Seven Liberal Arts, vol. 2, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, 854, 857, New York: Columbia Univ. Pr, 1977, pp. 332–333
  15. 19Ordering the Heavens: Roman Astronomy and Cosmology in the Carolingian RenaissanceBruce S. Eastwood — Brill — 2007
  16. 20Kepler as Historian of Science: Precursors of Copernican Heliocentrism according to De revolutionibus I, 10Bruce S. Eastwood — 1982
  17. 22"Averroes' criticism of Ptolemaic astronomy precipitated this debate in Europe. ... The recovery of Ptolemy's texts and their translation from Greek into Latin in the middle of the fifteenth century s
  18. 23JournalThe First Non-Ptolemaic Astronomy at the Maraghah SchoolGeorge Saliba — 1979
  19. 24A History of Ancient Mathematical AstronomyOtto Neugebauer — Springer-Verlag — 1975
  20. 25The Rolling Device of Naṣir al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī in the De spera of Nicole OresmeClaudia Kren — 1971
  21. 26"...it was obvious to Copernicus...that the earth cannot move uniformly about a circle with the sun at the center. Thus Copernicus placed the sun not at the center of the earth's orbit, but at some di
  22. 27BookThe Book Nobody Read: Planetary Astronomy in the Development of Western ThoughtOwen Gingerich — Walker & Company — 2004
  23. 28"All movement within it (outside of the immediate vicinity of the Earth) is determined by the fundamental principle that heavenly movement is circular and therefore unchanging. Ptolemy, Copernicus tho
  24. 29"My Copernican census eventually helped to establish that the majority of sixteenth-century astronomers thought eliminating the equant was Copernicus' big achievement, because it satisfied the ancient
  25. 30"The man who had deposed the earth from its proud position as the centre of the universe and had recognized it to be merely one of the planets, had yet felt compelled to give it quite an exceptional p
  26. 31"Copernicus's universe is different from Ptolemy's in that the sun, not the Earth, lies at (or rather, to be exact, very close to) its centre." Wootton, David. The Invention of Science: A New History
  27. 32JournalDid Copernicus Owe a Debt to AristarchusO. Gingerich — 1985
  28. 33BookA History of Arabic Astronomy: Planetary Theories During the Golden Age of IslamGeorge Saliba — NYU Press — 1995-07-01
  29. 34JournalThe Derivation and First Draft of Copernicus's Planetary Theory: A Translation of the Commentariolus with CommentaryNoel M. Swerdlow — 1973-12-31
  30. 35Ibn al-Shāṭir: ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn ʿAlī ibn IbrāhīmDavid A. King — Springer — 2007
  31. 38BookLight from the East: How the Science of Medieval Islam Helped to Shape the Western WorldJohn Freely — I.B.Tauris — 2015-03-30
  32. 39Claudia Kren, "The Rolling Device," p. 497.
  33. 42Gingerich (2004), p. 139
  34. 44Gingerich (2004), p. 228 and p.246
  35. 45"Reinhold and his many followers admired Copernicus for a quite different aesthetic idea, the elimination of the equant. Copernicus devoted the great majority of De revolutionibus to showing how this
  36. 46"It is easy to show that conventional Ptolemaic astronomy was thriving until 1610 when Galileo observed the phases of Venus with a telescope and went into crisis immediately afterwards...The evidence
  37. 47Owen Gingerich, The eye of heaven: Ptolemy, Copernicus, Kepler, New York: American Institute of Physics, 1993, 181,
  38. 49BookFrom Eudoxus to EinsteinC. M. Linton — Cambridge University Press — 2004
  39. 50fixed, that is, in the Copernican system. In a geostatic system the apparent annual variation in the motion of sunspots could only be explained as the result of an implausibly complicated precession o
  40. 51Kuhn (1985)Kuhn — 1985
  41. 52"Copernicus closes an old epoch much more clearly than he opens any new one. He is himself one of those individual makers of world-systems, like Aristotle and Ptolemy, who astonish us by the power whi
  42. 53"The figure of Copernicus, seen from the distance, is that of an intrepid, revolutionary hero of thought. As we come closer, it gradually changes into that of a stuffy pendant, without the flair, the
  43. 54JournalOn the Planetary Theory of CopernicusOtto Neugebauer — Pergamon Press — 1968
  44. 55"It used to be thought that Copernicus initiated an intellectual revolution - indeed Thomas Kuhn called his first book The Copernican Revolution (1957). But in this Kuhn was mistaken." Wootton, David
  45. 56BookTheories of the World from Antiquity to the Copernican RevolutionMichael J. Crowe — Dover Publications, Inc. — 2001
  46. 57JournalCopernicus, Amico, Fracastoro and Ṭūsï's Device: Observations on the Use and Transmission of a ModelMario di Bono — 1995
  47. 58BookGalileo StudiesStillman Drake — The University of Michigan Press — 1970
  48. 59BookThe Oxford history of IslamJohn L. Esposito — Oxford University Press — 1999
  49. 60BookThe Book Nobody ReadOwen Gingerich — William Heinemann — 2004
  50. 62BookCopernicus and the Aristotelian traditionAndré Goddu — Brill — 2010
  51. 63BookPhysical Science in the Middle AgesEdward Grant — Cambridge University Press — 1971
  52. 64BookIntellectual Curiosity and the Scientific Revolution: A Global PerspectiveToby E Huff — Cambridge University Press — 2010
  53. 65BookThe Sleepwalkers: A History of Man's Changing Vision of the UniverseArthur Koestler — Arkana — 1989
  54. 66BookThe Copernican Revolution—Planetary Astronomy in the Development of Western ThoughtThomas S. Kuhn — Harvard University Press — 1985
  55. 67BookFrom Eudoxus to Einstein—A History of Mathematical AstronomyChristopher M. Linton — Cambridge University Press — 2004
  56. 68BookAstronomies and Cultures in Early Medieval EuropeS. C. McCluskey — Cambridge University Press — 1998
  57. 69BookCultural foundations of mathematics: the nature of mathematical proof and the transmission of the calculus from India to Europe in the 16th c. CEC. K. Raju — Pearson Education India — 2007
  58. 70Islamic reception of Greek astronomyGeorge Saliba — 2009
  59. 71BookGalileo: Decisive InnovatorMichael Sharratt — Cambridge University Press — 1994
  60. 72BookThe Role of Astronomy in Society and Culture2009
  61. 73JournalCopernicus and Naṣīr al-Dīn al-ṬūsīI.N. Veselovsky — 1973

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