All's Well That Ends Well
All's Well That Ends Well is a play by William Shakespeare that has puzzled audiences and critics alike for centuries. It first appeared in the First Folio of 1623, listed among the comedies, yet it has never quite behaved like one. Its heroine pursues a man who rejects her, tricks him into bed without his knowledge, and still earns the title of romantic victor at the curtain. What kind of love story is this? And why has it remained one of Shakespeare's least-performed works for four hundred years? The play raises questions that don't resolve neatly. Is the hero worthy of the devotion spent on him? Is the ending genuinely happy, or merely expedient? These are the questions that have made scholars, directors, and actors wrestle with the text. Frederick S. Boas gave that wrestling match a name in 1896, coining the term "problem play" to describe works like this one, grouping it alongside Hamlet, Troilus and Cressida, and Measure for Measure.
Helena is the ward of a French-Spanish countess, the daughter of a physician who has recently died. She is in love with the countess's son Bertram, a man entirely indifferent to her. When Bertram travels to Paris to serve the ailing King of France, Helena follows, presenting herself as a healer. The King is skeptical; she stakes her life on the cure. If the King dies, she will be put to death. If he lives, she may choose any husband from the court. The King survives, and Helena chooses Bertram. He refuses her, citing her poverty and low birth. The King forces the marriage anyway, and Bertram leaves for war in Italy immediately after the ceremony, without so much as a goodbye kiss. He sends Helena a challenge: he will accept her as his wife only when she has carried his child and obtained his family ring. Helena follows him to Italy, befriends Diana, the virgin daughter of a local noblewoman, and arranges to take Diana's place in Bertram's bed without his knowledge. She consummates the marriage and acquires the ring. Bertram returns home believing himself free, and Helena appears before the King to reveal the ring exchange and announce she has fulfilled his conditions. Bertram, faced with the evidence of what she has endured to win him, declares his love. The subtitle of the fairy-tale genre that underpins the plot is sometimes called "the clever wench performing tasks to win an unwilling higher-born husband," and that framing goes some way toward explaining why Bertram's abrupt conversion is meant to feel inevitable rather than earned.
Bertram's sudden switch from contempt to devotion in the play's final scene is perhaps the most debated moment in all of Shakespeare's comedies. It happens in a single line, and actors trained to value psychological realism have long struggled with it. Some critics consider the truncated ending a flaw outright; others argue that the conversion is deliberately sudden, keeping with the fairy-tale logic the play has established throughout. A third reading finds no conversion at all, pointing to the conditional phrasing of Bertram's closing vow: "If she, my liege, can make me know this clearly, I'll love her dearly, ever, ever dearly." The "if" carries the full weight of his equivocation. A 2009 production at London's National Theatre staged the final scene with Bertram seemingly acquiescing, but then ending the play hand in hand with Helena while staring out at the audience with a look of what one account described as "aghast bewilderment," as though he relented only to save face before the King. A 2018 production directed by Caroline Byrne at the Sam Wanamaker Playhouse in London took a different approach: Bertram makes good on his challenge by acknowledging not just the ring exchange but also the infant child Helena brings to their final confrontation, a figure drawn from the Act 2 Scene 2 vow to accept her as his wife once she bears his child. Andrew Hadfield of the University of Sussex has offered a historical angle: contemporary audiences in around 1606 would have recognized Bertram's enforced marriage as a metaphor for the new legal requirement for Catholics to swear an Oath of Allegiance to the Protestant King James.
Victorian audiences found Helena deeply uncomfortable, and they said so plainly. Ellen Terry, one of the defining stage personalities of the 19th century, called Helena both "really despicable" and a "doormat" in the same breath, and accused her of hunting men down in what Terry described as "the most undignified way." Terry's friend George Bernard Shaw disagreed sharply. Shaw admired Helena and placed her alongside the New Woman figures of the era, comparing her directly to Nora in Henrik Ibsen's A Doll's House. The Arden Shakespeare editor of the same period summarized 19th-century feeling more bluntly still: everyone who reads the play is at first shocked and perplexed by what the editor called "the revolting idea that underlies the plot." Modern criticism has moved toward reclaiming Helena rather than condemning her, though the unease has never fully dissolved. Scholars Laurie Maguire and Emma Smith have argued, in a 2012 paper, that the play was co-authored with Thomas Middleton and re-dated to 1606-1607. If that dating is correct, it places Helena and her Catholic-inflected world against the backdrop of the Gunpowder Plot, a context that the scholar Woods identified in 2013 as giving the play what was described as a "Catholic aesthetic."
Shaw, despite his ambivalence about the play as a whole, called the Countess of Roussillon "the most beautiful old woman's part ever written." That judgment has shaped how modern directors approach the text. Recent productions have treated the role as a vehicle for great mature actresses; Judi Dench and Peggy Ashcroft are among those who have played the part. Ashcroft delivered what was described as a performance of "entrancing...worldly wisdom and compassion" in Trevor Nunn's staging at Stratford in 1982, a production that critics described as Chekhovian in its sympathetic handling of the material. In the BBC Television Shakespeare production, Celia Johnson played the Countess dressed and posed to evoke Rembrandt's portrait of Margaretha de Geer. The play's recorded performance history begins late: no evidence of early performances has ever been found. The first documented staging came in 1741 at Goodman's Fields, with a transfer to Drury Lane. Rehearsals there began in October of that year, but the actor playing the King, William Milward, fell ill. The opening was delayed until the 22nd of January. On the first night, Peg Woffington, playing Helena, fainted, and her lines were read by someone else. Milward fell ill again on the 2nd of February and died on the 6th. These misfortunes, combined with unverified accounts of other illnesses during the run, gave the play a reputation for bad luck comparable to the one that has long surrounded Macbeth. Henry Woodward, who lived from 1714 to 1777, helped keep the play alive in the era of David Garrick by popularizing the role of Parolles. An operatic version appeared at Covent Garden in 1832, and performances remained sporadic for much of the following century.
Parolles is what the text calls a follower of Bertram, though follower understates how closely the two are entangled. Helena, Lafew, the Countess, the fool Lavatch, and the two Lords Dumaine have all recognized that Parolles is a boastful coward; only Bertram remains blind to it. The two Lords arrange a trap: they convince Parolles to cross into enemy territory to recover a drum lost in battle, then pose as enemy soldiers, kidnap him, blindfold him, and extract from him both a betrayal of his friends and a letter he had written warning Diana about Bertram's lascivious character. Bertram watches the whole humiliation without revealing himself. The play describes Parolles as a "clothes horse" fop, and some modern readings suggest that emphasizing the possibility of a homosexual relationship between Bertram and Parolles can make Bertram's otherwise inexplicable attachment to him more legible for audiences. One line from Act III, scene 5 captures the unease others feel about the pair: "A filthy officer he is in those suggestions for the young earl." The subplot functions as a mirror to the main plot: both Bertram and Parolles are exposed as hollow, and both face a reckoning they did not anticipate.
Shakespeare drew the central plot from Boccaccio's The Decameron, specifically tale nine of day three, about a character named Giletta di Narbona. The scholar F. E. Halliday has speculated that Shakespeare may have reached the story through a French translation found in William Painter's Palace of Pleasure rather than Boccaccio directly. The question of when Shakespeare wrote the play remains open. Proposed dates range from 1598 to 1608, a ten-year window that makes confident stylistic dating difficult. Maguire and Smith's 2012 argument that Thomas Middleton co-authored the work and that 1606-1607 is the correct window would, if accepted, place the play in the same year that the Oath of Allegiance requirement was introduced for English Catholics, a fact that gives Hadfield's political reading additional traction. Modern editors have also noted a likely missing line between Helena's brief defense of virginity at line 171 and her expansive inventory of lovers' endearments at lines 172-181, a gap that suggests the text we have may be incomplete. Whether through missing passages, uncertain dates, or disputed authorship, All's Well That Ends Well remains a play that refuses to sit still on the page.
Common questions
What is All's Well That Ends Well by Shakespeare about?
All's Well That Ends Well follows Helena, the low-born ward of a French-Spanish countess, who loves the countess's son Bertram. She cures the ailing King of France and wins the right to marry Bertram, who rejects her; she then follows him to Italy, secretly consummates their marriage, and fulfills the impossible conditions he set before he will accept her as his wife.
When was All's Well That Ends Well written and first published?
The play was published in the First Folio of 1623 and listed among Shakespeare's comedies. The date of composition is debated, with possible dates ranging from 1598 to 1608; scholars Laurie Maguire and Emma Smith argued in 2012 for a date of 1606-1607.
Why is All's Well That Ends Well called a problem play?
Frederick S. Boas coined the term "problem play" in 1896 to describe All's Well That Ends Well, grouping it with Hamlet, Troilus and Cressida, and Measure for Measure. The category applies to plays that pose ethical dilemmas requiring more than simple solutions, including Bertram's forced marriage and his ambiguous conversion at the end.
What is the source story for All's Well That Ends Well?
Shakespeare based the play on the tale of Giletta di Narbona, which is tale nine of day three in Boccaccio's The Decameron. F. E. Halliday speculated that Shakespeare may have encountered the tale through William Painter's Palace of Pleasure, a French translation of the source, rather than reading Boccaccio directly.
Who played the Countess of Roussillon in notable productions of All's Well That Ends Well?
Peggy Ashcroft played the Countess in Trevor Nunn's Stratford production in 1982, delivering what critics described as a performance of "entrancing...worldly wisdom and compassion." Judi Dench is among others who have taken the role. In the BBC Television Shakespeare production, Celia Johnson played the Countess dressed to evoke Rembrandt's portrait of Margaretha de Geer.
What happened at the first recorded performance of All's Well That Ends Well in 1741?
The 1741 production at Drury Lane was beset with misfortune. The actor William Milward, playing the King, fell ill and delayed the opening until the 22nd of January. On the first night, Peg Woffington, playing Helena, fainted and her lines were read by a stand-in. Milward fell ill again on the 2nd of February and died on the 6th, giving the play an "unlucky" reputation similar to that of Macbeth.
All sources
14 references cited across the entry
- 1bookThe Oxford Shakespeare: All's Well That Ends WellSusan Snyder — Oxford University Press — 1993
- 2newsMany Hands – A New Shakespeare Collaboration?Laurie Maguire et al. — 19 April 2012
- 3bookGender and performance in Shakespeare's problem comediesDavid McCandless — Indiana University Press — 1997
- 4bookThe Rough Guide to ShakespeareAndrew Dickson — Penguin — 2008
- 5newsTheatre review: All's Well That Ends Well / Olivier, LondonMichael Billington — 29 May 2009
- 6webAll's Well That Ends Well, review: Eye-opening and vividly alivePaul Taylor — 18 January 2018
- 7journalBad FaithAndrew Hadfield — August 2017
- 8newsJudi...and the beastKate Kellaway — 14 December 2003
- 9bookOne Night Stands: a Critic's View of Modern British TheatreMichael Billington — Nick Hern Books — 2001
- 10journalBad faith in All’s Well That Ends WellAndrew Hadfield — 2016-08-02
- 11bookA biographical dictionary of actors, actresses, musicians, dancers, managers and other stage personnel in London, 1660–1800Philip Highfill — Southern Illinois University Press — 1984
- 12bookSome account of the English stage: from the Restoration in 1660 to 1830John Genest — Carrington — 1832
- 13odnbOxford Dictionary of National BiographyRichard Allen Cave — 2004
- 14bookBroken nuptials in Shakespeare's playsCarol Thomas Neely — University of Yale Press — 1983