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— CH. 1 · INTRODUCTION —

Protest

8 min listen · Ch. 1 of 6
6 sections
  • Protest is a public act of objection, disapproval, or dissent against political advantage. Its forms range from a solitary person holding a sign to millions flooding the streets of a city. What makes protest so enduring, so varied, and sometimes so dangerous is a question worth sitting with. How does a group of people decide to take to the streets? What shapes whether they march peacefully or tip into confrontation? And what actually changes as a result? Those are the questions this documentary sets out to answer. The answers draw on centuries of examples, from Gandhi's Salt March of 1930 to the Alexanderplatz demonstrations of November 1989 that helped bring down the Berlin Wall, to the George Floyd protests of recent years. Protest, it turns out, is not a single thing. It is a repertoire, a social calculation, and sometimes a gamble with serious consequences.

  • Protests can be understood as acts of cooperation. Numerous people agree to show up, and in doing so they share the potential costs and risks of attending. That framing is more than abstract theory; it shapes who actually participates. Willingness to join a protest is influenced by an individual's ties within social networks. Those connections do two things at once: they spread factual information about an event, and they create social pressure on potential participants. Knowing that people you trust will be there makes joining feel safer and more worthwhile. Group identification also matters. Researchers have found that the likelihood someone responds to a protest is affected by which group they feel they belong to, and by the specific tactics that protest involves. A candlelight vigil draws different people than a blockade. A march through a city center attracts participants who might never attend a sit-in. The tactics on offer are not just strategic choices; they are signals that shape who shows up, and in what numbers.

  • The Dynamics of Collective Action project is one of the leading research efforts dedicated to capturing information about protest events worldwide. Its catalogue of recognized tactics runs from rallies and marches to vigils, pickets, and acts of civil disobedience. Thomas Ratliff and Lori Hall devised a typology that groups all of these into six broad categories. The first is the literal, symbolic, aesthetic and sensory category, covering artistic and dramaturgical displays, street theater, musical performances, and graphic art; researchers note that its impacts on society are often underestimated. Solemnity and the sacred forms a second category, covering vigils, candlelight marches, and prayer; events in this form are rarely met with police force. A third category, institutional and conventional activity, includes press conferences, lawsuits, and lobbying. These operate within the formal political system, which has historically made them contentious among activists who view working inside the system with skepticism. Movement in space, the fourth category, covers marches and parades; they are logistically the most difficult for police to manage even when conducted for the safety of participants, and they have tended to be the largest events in the historical record. Civil disobedience constitutes the fifth category, including sit-ins, blockades, occupations, and bannering; it draws the most attention from researchers, media, and authorities, and is often conflated with violence despite being a distinct tactical form. The sixth category is collective violence and threats, which researchers note is typically committed by a relative few, even within crowds of tens of thousands, and is rarely condoned by the broader public. The Global Nonviolent Action Database, the other major research project in this space, uses the classification developed by Gene Sharp, who identified 198 distinct methods of nonviolent action. Together the two databases map the full range of options available to protesters across history.

  • Observers have documented an increased militarization of protest policing across many countries. Police have deployed armored vehicles and snipers against protesters in a pattern that researchers and rights groups have flagged as a significant trend. In the United Kingdom, policing data from a four-day period in 2023 showed that 67 protests occurred in that window alone, requiring 622 officers to attend at an estimated cost of £140,346. Governments restrict protest through multiple channels: permit requirements, economic pressure, religious orthodoxy, social structures, and control of media. When those restrictions take hold, protest does not simply stop. It changes form. It may become open civil disobedience, or it may move into more subtle resistance, or it may migrate into culture, literature, and emigration. One state response that generates its own complications is the counter-protest. Counter-protesters demonstrate their support for the person, policy, or action that is the subject of the original protest. Clashes between the two groups can turn violent. Research on the civil rights movement in the United States found that nonviolent activism tended to produce favorable media coverage and shifts in public opinion toward the issues organizers were raising, while violent protests generated unfavorable coverage that increased public desire to restore law and order.

  • A study of 342 United States protests covered by The New York Times between 1962 and 1990 found that public demonstrations typically moved the stock prices of the targeted companies. The most consequential variable in the study was not the size of the crowd but the amount of media coverage the event received. Stock prices fell an average of one-tenth of a percent for every paragraph printed about a protest event. That finding has a practical implication for organizers: visibility in the press matters as much as, or more than, sheer numbers on the street. Protest songs have carried a parallel economic and cultural logic across centuries. Every major movement in Western history has been accompanied by its own collection of protest songs, from slave emancipation to women's suffrage, the labor movement, civil rights, the anti-war movement, the feminist movement, and the environmental movement. Over time those songs shifted from protesting specific conflicts or policies toward more abstract moral concerns, including injustice, racial discrimination, globalization, inflation, and incarceration. Toyi-toyi, a Southern African dance originally from Zimbabwe, became famous for its role in political protests during the apartheid era in South Africa, illustrating how culture, movement, and politics fuse in ways that pure tactical analysis does not fully capture.

  • Mohandas Gandhi's 1930 Salt March was organized to protest a colonial salt tax in India. The 1803 Haitian Revolution was the first successful Black revolution against slavery. The Alexanderplatz demonstrations of the 4th to the 9th of November 1989 culminated in the Fall of the Berlin Wall. Each of these began as a protest and became something larger. The source of that escalation is a pattern: unaddressed protests may grow and widen into civil resistance, dissent, activism, riots, insurgency, revolts, and political or social revolution. The 1963 Birmingham Children's Crusade, the Selma to Montgomery marches of 1965, and the Solidarity movement's decade-long campaign against Soviet communism in Poland from 1980 to 1989 all demonstrate that sustained, systematic, and peaceful pressure, combined with persuasion, crosses a threshold into what researchers call civil resistance or nonviolent resistance, a category more demanding and more consequential than a single demonstration. The Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 and the Arab Spring protests of the early 2010s show the opposite trajectory, where the state's refusal to yield led not to revolution but to violent suppression or prolonged conflict. In Spain in 2015, protesters turned to holographic projections of themselves in public spaces to challenge anti-protest laws. The tactic, developed in Europe during the COVID-19 pandemic under the name peopleless protest, used physical representations assembled online to demonstrate in places where physical bodies could not gather legally. It is a contemporary reminder that when one form of protest is closed off, others open.

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Common questions

What is the definition of a protest?

A protest is a public act of objection, disapproval, or dissent against political advantage. It can range from individual statements to mass political demonstrations, and protesters may aim to influence public opinion, government policy, or enact change through direct action.

What are the main forms a protest can take?

Protests can take the form of rallies, marches, vigils, pickets, civil disobedience, ceremonies, boycotts, strikes, sit-ins, die-ins, protest songs, and online or peopleless protests. The Dynamics of Collective Action project and the Global Nonviolent Action Database document these tactics, with Gene Sharp's classification identifying 198 distinct methods of nonviolent action.

How do protests affect company stock prices?

A study of 342 United States protests covered by The New York Times from 1962 to 1990 found that stock prices of targeted companies fell an average of one-tenth of a percent for every paragraph of media coverage the protest received. The amount of media coverage was the most important factor, more so than the size of the protest itself.

What is the difference between protest and civil resistance?

When protests are part of a systematic and peaceful nonviolent campaign to achieve a specific objective, and involve the use of pressure as well as persuasion, they go beyond mere protest and are better described as civil resistance or nonviolent resistance. The Solidarity movement in Poland from 1980 to 1989 and the Selma to Montgomery marches of 1965 are examples of this distinction.

How has protest policing changed in recent years?

Observers have noted an increased militarization of protest policing in many countries, with police deploying armored vehicles and snipers against protesters. In the United Kingdom, policing data from a four-day period in 2023 recorded 67 protests requiring 622 officers at an estimated cost of £140,346.

What is a peopleless protest?

A peopleless protest is a form of demonstration involving physical representations of protesters in public spaces that are subsequently assembled online, developed in Europe during the COVID-19 pandemic. In Spain in 2015, holographic projections of protesters were used to highlight the use of anti-protest laws.

All sources

32 references cited across the entry

  1. 3JournalNetworks of Conflict and CooperationJennifer M. Larson — 11 May 2021
  2. 5BookCivil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the PresentAdam Roberts — Oxford University Press — 2009
  3. 6Controlling Public Protest: First Amendment ImplicationsDaniel L. Schofield, S.J.D. — in the FBI's Law Enforcement Bulletin — November 1994
  4. 7Protest in Peril: Our Shrinking DemocracyDavid Mejia-Canales — 2024-08-26
  5. 12Nonviolent Action in the Time of CoronavirusJonathan Pinckney et al. — March 25, 2020
  6. 13JournalDoes Climate Protest Work? Partisanship, Protest, and Sentiment PoolsDylan Bugden — January 2020
  7. 16The Long History of Protest CampsAntje — 2024-06-05
  8. 17Creative activism: Hologram protestCristina Flesher Fominaya — 2021-11-10
  9. 18JournalPracticing the Art of Dissent: Toward a Typology of Protest Activity in the United StatesThomas Ratliff — 2014
  10. 21Treesitters and troubadoursValeri Wade — 2018-12-23
  11. 22NewsHoly RollersBen Mcgrath — 13 November 2006
  12. 23Critical Mass LondonUrban75 — 2006
  13. 26NewsCritical crackdownMatt Seaton — 26 October 2005
  14. 27*BCM* Hong Kong Critical Mass NewsAdam Rosi-Kessel — 24 August 2004
  15. 29Iran's Silent ProtestsD. Parvaz — 21 February 2011
  16. 32NewsCoverage of protests hurts firms, Cornell-Y. study saysAngie Welling — 13 November 2007