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Pederasty in ancient Greece

Ch. 1 of 8
— CH. 1 · INTRODUCTION —

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Pederasty in ancient Greece

8 sections
  • Pederasty in ancient Greece was not a secret practice. It was depicted on hundreds of vase paintings, celebrated in aristocratic poetry, and debated in philosophical dialogues read across the ancient world. What modern audiences encounter in these sources is something genuinely difficult to reconcile: a socially sanctioned relationship between an older man and a younger male, embedded in the fabric of Greek upper-class life.

    The older partner was called the erastês. The younger was the erômenos, a word meaning "beloved." Both terms come from the Greek verb erân, meaning "to love." Since Kenneth Dover published his landmark study Greek Homosexuality in 1978, these two terms have become standard in scholarly discussion. Yet pinning down what the relationship actually meant, ethically and personally, has occupied historians, classicists, and philosophers ever since.

    Was pederasty a mentorship, a form of initiation, a sexual institution, or all of these at once? Did it emerge from Cretan ritual? Was it truly widespread, or confined to aristocrats? The surviving sources pull in different directions, and scholars today remain in active disagreement. What follows is the story of an institution that shaped ancient Greek culture, and continues to challenge anyone who studies it.

  • Dover's 1978 study established a strict dichotomy. The erastês, marked by the suffix -tês denoting agency, was the older, active participant. The erômenos was the younger, passive beloved. Yet the source material complicates this clean division almost immediately.

    The Greek word paiderastia is formed from paiderastês, itself a compound of pais, meaning "child," and erastês. Liddell and Scott's Greek-English Lexicon defines paiderastia as "the love of boys." The related verb paiderasteuein means "to be a lover of boys." The word pais, however, could refer to a child of either sex, and was also used as an endearment much as a parent might use it, found even in the poetry of Sappho.

    Estimates for the age of the erômenos range from thirteen to twenty, and in some cases up to thirty. Most evidence points to the period when an aristocratic boy began formal military training, which ran from fifteen to seventeen. The erômenos might be as tall as or taller than his erastês, and might already have his first facial hair. The erastês himself might only be in his early twenties, making the gap between the two sometimes negligible.

    The word paidika, another term for the younger partner, is a neuter plural adjective meaning "things having to do with children," treated grammatically as masculine singular. The erômenos was understood as a future citizen, not, as the sources put it, an "inferior object of sexual gratification." Art portrayed him with respect, and the ideal image of youth in Archaic culture, the kouros, the long-haired male nude in sculpture, was the visual companion to this literary figure.

  • A brass plaque from Crete dated to roughly 650-625 BC is the oldest surviving representation of pederastic custom. The practice appeared from all over Greece in the following century, but Crete is the place where scholars have most persistently traced its institutional roots.

    Cretan pederasty was grounded in an initiation that involved abduction. A man called a philetor, meaning "lover," would select a youth, enlist the chosen one's friends as accomplices, and carry the boy off to his andreion, a men's meeting hall or club. The philetor and the friends then took the youth away for two months into the countryside, where they hunted and feasted together.

    At the end of this period, the philetor presented the youth with three contractually required gifts: military attire, an ox, and a drinking cup. Other costly gifts followed. On returning to the city, the youth sacrificed the ox to Zeus, and his companions joined him in the feast. He then received special clothing that, in adult life, marked him as kleinos, meaning "famous" or "renowned."

    The initiate was called a parastatheis, "he who stands beside." The name may reflect his role in standing at the philetor's side during meals in the andreion, serving from the ceremonially gifted cup, much as the myth of Ganymede described the boy serving Zeus on Olympus. A fourth-century historian named Euphor adds that in Crete, a father had to approve the suitor as worthy of the honor before any ritual abduction could proceed.

  • Greek literary sources consistently frame pederasty as a practice of the aristocracy. Aristophanes and Pindar both treated it as naturally embedded in aristocratic education, the Greek paideia. Scholar Bruce Thornton has argued that insults directed at pederastic males in Aristophanes' comedies reveal that ordinary Athenians held the practice in low regard.

    Athenian law, however, treated the matter with nuance. The law recognized both consent and age as factors in regulating sexual behavior. Adolescent citizens of free status who prostituted themselves were ridiculed and were permanently barred by Attic law from performing seven categories of official civic functions. The reasoning was that anyone who had sold their own body would not hesitate to sell the interests of the city-state.

    This logic played out in real political life. In 346 BC, the politician Aeschines delivered his speech "Against Timarchus," arguing that Timarchus, an experienced middle-aged politician, had spent his adolescence as the paid sexual partner of a series of wealthy men. Aeschines won his case. Timarchus was sentenced to atimia, meaning disenfranchisement and civic disempowerment.

    Yet the very bond between erastês and erômenos was also celebrated as a force against tyranny. In Plato's Symposium, Pausanias argues that pederastic love was favorable to democracy, because the tie between the two partners was stronger than obedience to a despot. Athenaeus records that the philosopher Hieronymus the Aristotelian claimed that several tyrannies had been overturned by young men united as comrades in "mutual sympathy." The Athenians Harmodius and Aristogeiton, credited with overthrowing the tyrant Hippias and helping establish democracy, were the most celebrated example of such a pederastic pair.

  • The myth of Ganymede, carried off to Olympus by Zeus, was the founding precedent that Greek writers invoked to justify or explain pederastic relationships. The poet Theognis addressed a friend named Simonides directly on this point, writing that "even the son of Cronus, king of immortals, fell in love with Ganymede, seized him, carried him off to Olympus, and made him divine, keeping the lovely bloom of boyhood." Theognis then declared that this precedent explained why he too was captivated by love for a beautiful boy.

    The fifth-century BC poet Pindar constructed a pederastic reading of the Poseidon and Pelops myth, showing Poseidon falling in love with the mortal Pelops and helping him win a chariot race. Pindar crafted this version to replace an earlier tale of cannibalism, which he found an unsuitable portrayal of divine character.

    By the classical period, myths of gods taking boy-lovers had been attached to nearly all the Olympians. Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Orpheus, Heracles, Dionysus, Hermes, and Pan were all assigned such relationships. The sole exception among the Olympians was Ares. Some scholars read this accumulation as evidence that the customs of paiderastia originated in initiatory rituals.

    Not every Athenian took these myths at face value. Plato in the Laws has his Athenian character argue that the story of Ganymede was "concocted" by the Cretans to justify what Plato calls acts "contrary to nature." Meanwhile, some of the later myths attributed to Dionysus were added by Christian writers, whose aim was to discredit pagan religion rather than to preserve historical tradition. The tale of Dionysus and Ampelos, for instance, was composed by the Egyptian poet Nonnus somewhere between the fourth and fifth centuries CE.

  • Hundreds of pederastic scenes survive on Attic black-figure vases, and art historian John Beazley, working in the early twentieth century, organized them into three types. In the first, the erastês and erômenos face each other; the older man reaches with one hand for the boy's chin and the other for his genitals. In the second, the erastês presents the younger man with a small gift, often an animal. In the third, the partners engage in intercrural sex.

    Animal gifts carried social meaning. Hares and roosters were most common, but deer and felines also appeared. These choices evoked aristocratic hunting as both a pastime and a metaphor for sexual pursuit. Boys received such culturally loaded gifts; women, by contrast, typically received money. This distinction, visible in the art itself, reinforced the idea that pederastic bonds operated by a different social logic than commercial sex.

    The question of the erômenos's physical response was a source of explicit artistic debate. In most vase images, the younger figure's penis remains flaccid. One painting on a bowl from the Athens National Museum shows a pederastic scene where both figures have erections. Fondling the youth's genitals was among the most frequently depicted courtship acts, referenced also in Aristophanes' comedy Birds at line 142.

    Regarding anal intercourse, Kenneth Dover argued in 1979 that it was culturally seen as dishonorable for the receiving partner, because of what he called "its potential appearance of being turned into a woman." A man who received during anal intercourse might be called a kinaidos, meaning effeminate. A fable attributed to Aesop formalized the same shame through the figure of Aeschyne, meaning Shame, who refused to enter the human body from behind if Eros followed the same path. Intercrural contact, however, carried no such stigma. Dover and subsequent scholars have noted that oral and anal penetration appear to have been associated with prostitutes and slaves rather than with pederastic pairs.

  • Athens produced the most abundant surviving evidence, particularly through its pottery. During the period of Athenian democracy, pederasty faced increasing scrutiny, tied as it was to aristocratic and older ways. The playwright Aristophanes, writing nearly seventy years after the battle of Marathon, used jokes about the pederastic habits of Marathon veterans in ways that Athenian audiences received as mockery of an outmoded fashion.

    Sparta presents a contested picture. Xenophon held that a relationship between a man and a boy was acceptable only when grounded in friendship and love rather than purely physical desire, which he called "an abomination" comparable to incest. Cicero reported Spartan pederasty as chaste and non-sexual. Plutarch, however, wrote that Spartan boys were paired with older men when they reached puberty. Historian Thomas F. Scanlon has argued that Sparta, during its Dorian period, was the first city to practice athletic nudity and one of the first to formalize pederasty. Researcher Paul Cartledge has noted that the Spartan terms eispnílas and aḯtas carry moralistic and pedagogic meanings, suggesting a paternalistic character, while leaving the sexual dimension genuinely open.

    In the Greek East, unlike the Dorian practice where an older male typically had only one erômenos, a man might take several younger companions over the course of his life. The poems of Alcaeus indicate that it was customary there for an older man to invite his erômenos to dine with him.

    Theban practice was distinctive in another direction. The legislator Philolaus of Corinth, who had been the companion of the Olympic stadion winner Diocles of Corinth at the games of 728 BC, crafted laws for the Thebans in the eighth century BC that gave special support to male unions. Theban pederasty, unlike other regional forms, favored the continuation of the bond even after the younger man reached adulthood. Philolaus and Diocles themselves lived together in Thebes until the end of their lives. The Sacred Band of Thebes, according to tradition, was composed entirely of such pederastic couples.

  • John Addington Symonds wrote his study A Problem in Greek Ethics in 1873, but it appeared in a private edition of only ten copies in 1883, and a revised version reached wider publication only in 1901. Edward Carpenter followed in 1914 with Intermediate Types among Primitive Folk, which examined homoerotic practices across many cultures. Paul Brandt, writing under the pseudonym Hans Licht, published Sexual Life in Ancient Greece in 1932.

    Kenneth Dover's Greek Homosexuality in 1978 reframed the entire field. Michel Foucault declared that pederasty was "problematized" in Greek culture, that it was "the object of a special and especially intense moral preoccupation." Dover's framework, extended by Foucault and then by David M. Halperin, presented the erômenos as someone who did not reciprocate desire; the relationship was read as structured by sexual domination, a politics of penetration governing all of an adult male Athenian's relations with social inferiors, including boys, women, and slaves. Eva Keuls also advanced this view.

    Enid Bloch extended the argument by proposing that many Greek boys in these relationships may have been traumatized, pointing to vase images in which a boy stands motionless while a man reaches for his genitals as evidence of what she called psychological immobilization.

    Other scholars have pushed back. They point to the Platonic concept of anteros, meaning "love returned," to poetry, and to art showing tenderness and desire on the erômenos's part. Thomas K. Hubbard criticized Halperin's framework as carrying a "persistently negative and judgmental rhetoric" that he characterized as a polemic rather than a historical analysis. The debate continues, shaped in part by what the classical historian Robin Osborne described as the challenge of confronting ancient practices that place "our own core values" under pressure rather than reinforcement.

Updated

Common questions

What was pederasty in ancient Greece?

Pederasty in ancient Greece was a socially recognized relationship between an older man, called the erastês, and a younger male, called the erômenos or beloved, mainly associated with the aristocratic upper class. The practice combined elements of mentorship, education, and in many cases sexual relations. Scholars date its formal emergence to the late seventh century BC.

How old were the partners in ancient Greek pederastic relationships?

Most evidence indicates the erômenos was usually between fifteen and seventeen years old, when an aristocratic youth began formal military training. Modern age estimates range from thirteen to twenty, and in some cases up to thirty. The erastês himself might only be in his early twenties, so the age gap was sometimes small.

Where did ancient Greek pederasty originate?

The oldest surviving representation of pederastic custom is a brass plaque from Crete dated to roughly 650-625 BC. Some scholars trace its origins to Cretan initiation rituals involving a ritual abduction, two months of hunting and feasting in the countryside, and the presentation of three contractually required gifts: military attire, an ox, and a drinking cup.

What role did pederasty play in ancient Greek politics?

Pederastic bonds were invoked both as a threat and as a support to democratic government. In Plato's Symposium, Pausanias argues the bond between erastês and erômenos was stronger than obedience to a tyrant. The Athenians Harmodius and Aristogeiton, credited with helping overthrow the tyrant Hippias, were celebrated as a pederastic pair. In 346 BC, the politician Timarchus was stripped of civic rights under the speech "Against Timarchus" by Aeschines, because Attic law barred anyone who had prostituted himself from holding public office.

What did ancient Greek vase paintings show about pederasty?

Hundreds of pederastic scenes survive on Attic black-figure vases. Art historian John Beazley classified them into three types: the erastês reaching for the boy's chin and genitals, the erastês presenting a gift such as a hare or rooster, and the couple engaging in intercrural sex. Most images depict the erômenos without an erection, though at least one bowl from the Athens National Museum shows both figures aroused.

How did pederasty differ across ancient Greek city-states?

Practices varied by region. In Crete, the institution involved a formal ritual abduction and initiation. Sparta is disputed: some ancient sources describe it as chaste, others as sexual. Athens subjected pederasty to increasing criticism during the democratic period, associating it with aristocratic excess. Thebes was distinctive in supporting male unions that continued after the younger partner reached adulthood, a practice associated with the legislator Philolaus of Corinth, who lived with his companion Diocles in Thebes until both died.

Who were the key modern scholars of ancient Greek pederasty?

John Addington Symonds published A Problem in Greek Ethics in a private edition of ten copies in 1883, with a revised edition appearing in 1901. Kenneth Dover's Greek Homosexuality in 1978 triggered debates that continue today. Michel Foucault described pederasty as a site of intense moral preoccupation in Greek culture. Subsequent scholars including David M. Halperin, Eva Keuls, Enid Bloch, and Thomas K. Hubbard have contested and extended Dover's framework in different directions.

All sources

117 references cited across the entry

  1. 1BookGreek HomosexualityKenneth James Dover — Harvard University Press — 1989
  2. 3JournalExamining Greek Pederastic RelationshipsNicole Holmen — 2010
  3. 4Robert B. Koehl, "The Chieftain Cup and a Minoan Rite of Passage", Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (1986) 99–110, with a survey of the relevant scholarship including that of Arthur Evans (p. 100) and
  4. 5Thomas Hubbard, "Pindar's Tenth Olympian and Athlete-Trainer Pederasty", in Same–Sex Desire and Love in Greco-Roman Antiquity, pp. 143 and 163 (note 37), with cautions about the term "homosocial" from
  5. 8See Andrew Lear, "Was pederasty problematized? A diachronic view" in Sex in Antiquity: exploring gender and sexuality in the ancient world, eds. Mark Masterson, Nancy Rabinowitz, and James Robson (Rou
  6. 9Michael Lambert, "Athens", in Gay Histories and Cultures: An Encyclopedia (Taylor & Francis, 2000), p. 122.
  7. 11See Osborne following. Gloria Ferrari, however, notes that there were conventions of age pertaining to sexual activity, and if a man violated these by seducing a boy who was too young to consent to be
  8. 13Kenneth Dover, Greek Homosexuality (Harvard University Press, 1978, 1989), p. 16.
  9. 14Herbert Weir Smyth, "Formation of Substantives", sections 838–839, Greek Grammar (Harvard University Press, 1920, 1984), pp. 229–230. The insertion of the sigma between verb stem and suffix is euphoni
  10. 15Liddell and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, p. 1286.
  11. 17Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1940 9th ed., with 1968 supplement in 1985 reprinting), p. 1286.
  12. 18JournalPederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic GreeceWilliam Armstrong Percy III — University of Illinois Press — 1997
  13. 20Dover, Greek Homosexuality, p. 16.
  14. 25Dover, Greek Homosexuality, pp. 16, 85; Ferrari, Figures of Speech, p. 135.
  15. 27Dover, "Greek Homosexuality and Initiation," pp. 19–20, notes the usage of "the same words for homosexual as for heterosexual emotion … and the same for its physical consummation" from the archaic per
  16. 28Dover, pp. 205–207.
  17. 29JournalCitizen as erastes: erotic imagery and the idea of reciprocity in the Periclean funeral orationS. Sara Monoson — 1994
  18. 30The main source for this rite of initiation is Strabo 10.483–484, quoting Ephoros; the summary given here is the construction of Robert B. Koehl, "The Chieftain Cup and a Minoan Rite of Passage", Jour
  19. 31JournalThe Pederastic Gaze in Attic Vase-PaintingRoss Brendle — April 2019
  20. 32John Pollini, "The Warren Cup: Homoerotic Love and Symposial Rhetoric in Silver", Art Bulletin 81.1 (1999), pp. 21–52.
  21. 33Blake et al., Education in an Age of Nihilism, p. 183.
  22. 35Johnson and Ryan, Sexuality in Greek and Roman Society and Literature, p.3
  23. 36BookSex and Sexuality in Classical AthensJames Robson — Edinburgh University Press — 2013-10-22
  24. 37Thornton, pp. 195–6.
  25. 39Wohl, pp. 6–7.
  26. 40Victoria Wohl, Love among the Ruins: The Erotics of Democracy in Classical Athens, p. 5 referring to Aeschines, (Tim.134)
  27. 41BookHistory of Education in AntiquityHenri Irénée Marrou — University of Wisconsin Press — 1948
  28. 42Marilyn B. Skinner, Sexuality in Greek and Roman Culture 2nd edition (United Kingdom: John Wiley & Sons, 2014), 16-18.
  29. 44JournalPlatonic Love and Colorado Law: The Relevance of Ancient Greek Norms to Modern Sexual ControversiesMartha C. Nussbaum — 1994
  30. 46Aeschines, Against Timarchus 1.19–20
  31. 49Attic Red-Figure CupJ. Paul Getty Museum — J. Paul Getty Museum
  32. 51Aeschines, Against Timarchus 1.51–52
  33. 52Clifford Hindley, "Debate: Law, Society and Homosexuality in Classical Athens", in Past and Present, 133 (1991), p. 167n4.
  34. 53Plato Symposium 182c.
  35. 55Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, p. 602
  36. 56Aristotle, Politics 2.1272a 22–24
  37. 57Plato, Laws, 636d and 835e.
  38. 58Theognidean corpus 1345–1350, as cited by Kamen, The Life Cycle in Archaic Greece, p. 91. Although the speaker is identified here conventionally as Theognis, certain portions of the work attributed to
  39. 59Plato's Laws, 636c
  40. 60Joseph Pequigney, Homosexuality in ancient Greek myth
  41. 61Sergent, Homosexuality and Greek Myth, passim.
  42. 62Classical MythologyJoseph Pequigney — glbtq.com
  43. 63Ampelos
  44. 64Hyginus, Astronomy 2.5; Clement of Alexandria, Protreptikos 2.34.2–5; Arnobius, Against the Gentiles 5.28 (Dalby 2005, pp. 108–117)
  45. 65Dover, "Greek Homosexuality and Initiation", passim, especially pp. 19–20, 22–23.
  46. 66For a recent collation of evidence from vase-painting and an introduction to its interpretation, see Andrew Lear, and Eva Cantarella, Images of Ancient Greek Pederasty: Boys Were Their Gods (Routledge
  47. 68Beazley, as summarized by Percy, Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece, p. 119.
  48. 70Dover, Greek Homosexuality, p. 92
  49. 71Nussbaum, The Fragility of Goodness, p. 188; see also Dover, Greek Homosexuality, p. 96; Percy, Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece, p. 119.
  50. 73Ferrari, Figures of Speech, p. 140; Percy, Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece, pp. 119–120.
  51. 74J. D. Beazley, "Some Attic Vases in the Cyprus Museum", Proceedings of the British Academy 33 (1947); p. 199; Dover, Greek Homosexuality, pp. 94–96.
  52. 75JournalCourtship Scenes in Attic Vase-PaintingH. A. Shapiro — The University of Chicago Press — April 1981
  53. 76Thomas K. Hubbard, Homosexuality in Greece and Rome: a sourcebook of basic documents in translation, University of California, 2003; p. 23
  54. 77Theognis, 2.1353–1356.
  55. 79On the contrast between the Theognidean and Anacreontic visions of pederasty, see Andrew Lear, "Ancient Pederasty: an introduction", in A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, ed. Thomas K. Hubbar
  56. 80Theocritus, Idyll XII.
  57. 81For examples, see Johnson and Ryan, Sexuality in Greek and Roman Society, p. 116, note 4, quoting a fragment from Solon: "a man falls in love with a youth in the full-flower of boy-love / possessed of
  58. 82Percy, Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece, p. 119; Nussbaum, Sex and Social Justice, pp. 268, 307, 335; Ferrari, Figures of Speech, p. 145.
  59. 83Ferrari, Figures of Speech, p. 145.
  60. 84Percy, Pederasty and Pedagogy in Ancient Greece, p. 119.
  61. 85Nussbaum, Sex and Social Justice, pp. 268, 335; Ferrari, Figures of Speech, p. 145.
  62. 86Aesop, "Zeus and Shame" (Perry 109, Chambry 118, Gibbs 528), in Fables.
  63. 87NewsGreek Love: An ExchangeDavid M. Halperin et al. — 1990-04-26
  64. 88Johnson and Ryan, Sexuality in Greek and Roman Society and Literature, p. 3, based on Attic red-figure pottery; Percy, Pederasty and Pedagogy in Ancient Greece, p. 119.
  65. 89Rommel Mendès-Leite et al. Gay Studies from the French Cultures, p. 157; Percy, "Reconsiderations about Greek Homosexualities", pp. 30–31.
  66. 90Percy, "Reconsiderations about Greek Homosexualities", p. 54.
  67. 91BookGreek and Roman Sexualities: A SourcebookJennifer Larson — 2012
  68. 92Percy, William A. Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece, University of Illinois Press, 1996, pp. 146–150
  69. 93Percy, William A. Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece, University of Illinois Press, 1996, p. 79
  70. 94Paul Cartledge, Spartan Reflections, University of California Press, 2003, p. 93
  71. 96Plutarch, Life of Lycurgus, 17.1: "When the boys reached this age, they were favoured with the society of lovers from among the reputable young men. The elderly men also kept close watch of them, comi
  72. 97Claudius Aelianus Various History, 3.10: "I could cite many fine features on the ephors of Sparta: I chose a few, I'll report. If a young Spartan, beautiful and well made, preferred a rich friend to a
  73. 98Thomas F. Scanlon, "The Dispersion of Pederasty and the Athletic Revolution in Sixth-Century BC Greece", in Same-Sex Desire and Love in Greco-Roman Antiquity and in the Classical Tradition of the West
  74. 99I. Sykoutris, Introduction to Symposium, 43
  75. 100P. Cartledge, The Spartans, pp. 272–274
  76. 101N. G. L. Hammond, A history of Greece to 322 BC, 1989; p.150
  77. 102W. Sweet, Sport and Recreation in Ancient Greece, 1987; p.125
  78. 103Pausanias, 1.44.1
  79. 104Theognis, 2.1335–1336.
  80. 107Plutarch, Life of Pelopidas, 19.1: "Speaking generally, however, it was not the passion of Laius that, as the poets say, first made this form of love customary among the Thebans; but their law-givers,
  81. 108David Leitao, "The legend of the Theban Band", in M. Craven Nussbaum and J. Sihvola The Sleep of Reason: Erotic Experience and Sexual Ethics in Ancient Greece and Rome, Chicago University Press (2002)
  82. 112BookSex in Antiquity: Exploring Gender and Sexuality in the Ancient WorldMark Masterson et al. — Routledge — 5 December 2014
  83. 113Eva Keuls, The Reign of the Phallus: Sexual Politics in Ancient Athens, 1985
  84. 114JournalSex between Men and Boys in Classical Greece: Was It Education for Citizenship or Child Abuse?Enid Bloch — Journal of Men's Studies — March 2001
  85. 115Andrew Lear, Eva Cantarella, Images of Ancient Greek Pederasty: Boys Were Their Gods, Routledge, 2009.
  86. 116James Davidson, The Greeks and Greek Love, Orion, 2006
  87. 117Robert B. Koehl, "Ephoros and Ritualized Homosexuality in Bronze Age Crete", in Martin Duberman, ed. Queer Representations: Reading Livers, Reading Cultures, New York University, 1997.
  88. 118Greek homosexualityHein van Dolen
  89. 121BookCharmidesPlato — Encyclopædia Britannica

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