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— CH. 1 · INTRODUCTION —

Marxism

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  • "What is certain is that I myself am not a Marxist." Karl Marx said this about the followers of Paul Lafargue and Jules Guesde, men who claimed to carry his banner. The remark survives in a letter Marx wrote in 1883, the year he died. It hangs over an entire intellectual tradition that bears his name. Marxism is a political philosophy and a method of socioeconomic analysis, built with Friedrich Engels, two 19th-century German philosophers who first met in September 1844. Their core claim is blunt. Class struggle is the central driving force of historical change. Engels himself did not like the word Marxism, and accused others of using it to crown themselves as the only true heirs. So how did a theory its founder disowned go on to inspire revolutions across the world? What does it actually say about who owns what, and who works for whom? And why, more than a century after Marx died, do thinkers still argue over what he really meant?

  • "Society does not consist of individuals, but expresses the sum of interrelations, the relations within which these individuals stand." That line captures how Marxism reads the world. It starts from the material conditions and economic activities required to fulfill human material needs. The form of economic organisation, the mode of production, is treated as the foundation that shapes everything else. From that base rises a superstructure of social relations, political institutions, legal systems, cultural systems, aesthetics and ideologies.

    Marx laid out this method in The German Ideology in 1845 and in the preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy in 1859. He called it the materialist conception of history, later better known as historical materialism. The base includes labour, the means of production, and the relations of production that regulate how goods are made and shared. The superstructure includes the legal and political forms of social consciousness that derive from that base.

    As forces of production such as technology improve, the old ways of organising production become obsolete and start to hinder progress. Marx described the moment of breakdown directly. "From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution." The relationship between base and superstructure is not static. It is dialectic, driven by conflicts and contradictions, with each newly formed social organisation acting back upon the very base that produced it.

    Marx mapped this onto four stages of development in relations of production. Primitive communism meant cooperative tribal societies. Slave society saw tribes grow into city-states where an aristocracy was born. Feudalism made aristocrats the ruling class while merchants became the bourgeoisie. Capitalism put capitalists in charge, the class that creates and employs the proletariat. Yet Marx refused to call this a master key to history. Writing in 1877 to the editor of the Russian paper Otechestvennye Zapiski, he insisted his ideas rested on a concrete study of the actual conditions in Europe, not a fate imposed on every people.

  • "The principal content of Marxism" was "Marx's economic doctrine," according to Vladimir Lenin. At the heart of that doctrine sits exploitation, defined as surplus labour, the labour performed beyond what a worker receives in goods. Marx argued that the power to control the means of production is what lets one class exploit another. He also held that this had been a feature of every class society, one of the principal markers separating the classes.

    The labour theory of value drives the capitalist case. The value of a commodity equals the socially necessary labour time required to produce it. Surplus value is the difference between the value a worker produces and the value the worker receives. That gap, Marx argued, is where capitalist profit comes from. He stressed a subtle point. Capitalism does not cheat the worker, because it is production, not circulation, that causes exploitation.

    In pre-capitalist economies, exploitation ran on physical coercion. Under capitalism it wears the mask of choice. A worker without means of production enters "voluntarily" into an exploitative relationship with a capitalist, free to pick which capitalist to serve. The catch is simple. The worker must work or starve, so the voluntary nature is illusory.

    Alienation, in German Entfremdung, names a deeper wound. It is the estrangement of people from their humanity, a systematic result of capitalism where the fruits of production belong to employers who expropriate the surplus others create. Marx treated alienation as an objective condition, not a feeling. A worker need not be aware of it for it to be real. Marx did not only condemn capitalism. He praised it for having "created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together," and for having "put an end to all feudal, patriarchal arrangements."

  • Two criteria let Marx sort society into classes. Ownership of the means of production is one. Control over the labour power of others is the other. From these he drew a detailed map of the capitalist order. The proletariat are modern wage labourers who own no means of production and must sell their labour power to live. The bourgeoisie own the means of production and buy that labour, splitting into the bourgeoisie proper and the petite bourgeoisie of small business owners, peasants, landlords and trade workers.

    The lumpenproletariat occupy the margins, the outcasts such as criminals, vagabonds, beggars and prostitutes. Marx claimed this sub-division held no class consciousness and would play no part in the eventual social revolution. The petite bourgeoisie face a different fate. The continual reinvention of the means of production was predicted to destroy them, dragging them down from the middle class into the proletariat. Peasants and farmers, scattered and unable to organise, would mostly join the proletariat while a few rose to become landlords.

    Class consciousness is the hinge. It is a class's awareness of itself and the social world, and its capacity to act in its own best interests. Marx held that this awareness must come before a class can carry out a successful revolution and reach the dictatorship of the proletariat. Ideology works against it. Because the ruling class controls the means of production, it also controls the ruling ideas. In The German Ideology Marx wrote that "the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas."

    The state, in this reading, is a weapon for the subjugation of one class by another. Through working class revolution the state is seized and turned against the former rulers, then used to build common ownership of the means of production. With the profit motive gone, the surplus belongs to society as a whole, and the division between producers and appropriators disappears. Marx traced the state back to the bands of retainers hired by the first ruling classes to guard their privilege. Once those conditions vanish, he argued, the state will wither away.

  • "Marx used many terms to refer to a post-capitalist society," notes The Oxford Handbook of Karl Marx, listing positive humanism, socialism, Communism, realm of free individuality, and free association of producers. He used them interchangeably. The idea that socialism and Communism are distinct historical stages was alien to his work and only entered the Marxist lexicon after his death.

    Orthodox Marxist theory holds that overthrowing capitalism by socialist revolution is inevitable, though its inevitability is hotly debated among different schools. What all Marxists share is the belief that socialism is a necessity, not a luxury. Before the Russian Revolution, Lenin wrote that the socialisation of production was bound to turn the means of production into the property of society, bringing "an immense increase in productivity of labour, a reduction of working hours."

    Failure sharpened the theory. The 1905 Russian Revolution collapsed, and socialist movements failed to resist the outbreak of World War I. Those defeats pushed Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg toward a deeper grasp of Marx's crisis theory and toward a theory of imperialism.

    On democracy, Marx leveled a surprising charge. He attacked liberal democracy as not democratic enough, arguing that the unequal economic position of workers during the Industrial Revolution undermined their democratic agency. Marxists differ on the question, with forms ranging from Soviet democracy to New Democracy to Whole-process people's democracy, some including votes on how surplus labour is organised. Marx himself counted freedom of speech and freedom of the press as requirements of democracy.

  • Ernest Mandel said it plainly. "Marxism is always open, always critical, always self-critical." After Marx died in 1883 his ideas splintered into a wide array of schools, with no single definitive theory left standing. The term itself was popularised by Karl Kautsky, who considered himself an orthodox Marxist during the fight between Marx's orthodox and revisionist followers. His revisionist rival Eduard Bernstein later adopted the word too.

    Marxism-Leninism became the most prominent strain of the 20th century, developed after Lenin's death as the official ideology of the Soviet Union and other Marxist states. Against it rose dissident currents. Libertarian Marxism emphasised the anti-authoritarian side, drawing on Marx and Engels' later works such as the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France, and insisting the working class could forge its destiny without a vanguard party. Its theorists ranged from Rosa Luxemburg and C. L. R. James to Guy Debord, Antonio Negri and Yanis Varoufakis, the last of whom claimed Marx himself was a libertarian Marxist.

    Marxist humanism was born in 1932 with the publication of Marx's Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, and rose to prominence in the 1950s and 1960s. Its defenders argued for continuity between the young Marx's theory of alienation and the later structural analysis of Capital. Against the official dialectical materialism of the Soviet Union and the structural Marxism of Louis Althusser, they reaffirmed that "man is the measure of all things."

    The reach extended deep into academia. Marxism has touched anthropology, archaeology, art theory, criminology, economics, film theory, literary criticism, sociology, theatre and urban planning, among many fields. Marxist archaeology was first developed in the Soviet Union in 1929, when a young archaeologist named Vladislav I. Ravdonikas published "For a Soviet history of material culture," later carried into capitalist states by the Australian academic V. Gordon Childe. A 2007 survey by Neil Gross and Solon Simmons found that 17.6% of social science professors and 5.0% of humanities professors identified as Marxists, while between 0 and 2% did in every other discipline.

  • "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles." That opening line of The Communist Manifesto, published in 1848, distilled Marx's view of the past. He and Engels began writing it in 1847, drawing on Engels' The Principles of Communism, and six weeks later published the 12,000-word pamphlet in February 1848. In March, Belgium expelled them, and they moved to Cologne to publish the radical newspaper Neue Rheinische Zeitung.

    Engels carried the work forward alone after Marx died. He became editor and translator of Marx's writings, and with his Origins of the Family, Private Property, and the State in 1884 he analysed monogamous marriage as guaranteeing male domination of women. That argument made him a significant contributor to feminist theory and Marxist feminism.

    The October Revolution of 1917 turned theory into a state. The Bolsheviks took power from the Russian Provisional Government and built the first socialist state on soviet democracy and Leninism, instituting universal education, universal healthcare and expanded women's rights. After Lenin's death in 1924, Joseph Stalin and Leon Trotsky fought over the movement's direction, a struggle that hardened Marxism-Leninism into the dominant strain.

    The idea traveled. The Chinese Communist Party, founded in 1921, fought the Kuomintang, and Mao Zedong adapted Marxism to a peasantry rather than an urban base, declaring the People's Republic of China in 1949. The 1959 Cuban Revolution brought Fidel Castro to power, and one of its leaders, the Argentine revolutionary Che Guevara, later died in Bolivia, possibly on CIA orders. Then came collapse. The late 1980s and early 1990s saw most Marxist-Leninist states fall, and Mikhail Gorbachev, General Secretary from March 1985, watched his reforms end in the dissolution of the Soviet Union in late 1991.

  • Karl Popper believed Marxism had once been genuinely scientific. In The Poverty of Historicism and Conjectures and Refutations he argued that Marx postulated a truly predictive theory, then watched its predictions fail. The defenders, Popper claimed, saved it by adding ad hoc hypotheses until a once-scientific theory degenerated into pseudoscientific dogma. Leszek Kolakowski went further on the philosophy, calling some laws of dialectics "truisms with no specific Marxist content," others unprovable dogmas, and some simply "nonsense."

    The economic attacks struck at the core. Vladimir Karpovich Dmitriev in 1898 and Ladislaus von Bortkiewicz in 1906-1907 alleged that Marx's value theory and the law of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall were internally inconsistent. Okishio's theorem later showed that if capitalists cut costs and real wages hold steady, the rate of profit must rise, casting doubt on Marx's claim that it would fall. Andrew Kliman countered that internally inconsistent theories cannot be correct by definition, so the alleged errors had to be addressed.

    The Austrian school mounted its own long campaign. Carl Menger developed a theory of subjective value during the marginal revolution. Eugen Bohm von Bawerk attacked the law of value so thoroughly that Gottfried Haberler called the critique "definitive." Ludwig von Mises pressed the economic calculation problem, declaring that "rational economic activity is impossible in a socialist commonwealth."

    Some critics aimed inward. Alex Callinicos, both a Trotskyist and an academic, mocked Western Marxists as resembling Narcissus, lost in love with their own reflection, producing writing "incomprehensible to all but a tiny minority of highly qualified scholars." Yet the tradition keeps finding new patrons. At an event marking the 200th anniversary of Marx's birth, Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Xi Jinping called Marxism a "powerful ideological weapon for us to understand the world, grasp the law, seek the truth, and change the world."

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Marxism–LeninismLeninism

Common questions

What is Marxism in simple terms?

Marxism is a political philosophy and method of socioeconomic analysis that uses historical materialism to understand class relations and social conflict. It views class struggle as the central driving force of historical change and treats a society's economic mode of production as the foundation of its social, political, and intellectual life.

Who created Marxism and when?

Marxism originated in the works of the 19th-century German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. The two first met in September 1844 and co-developed communist theory together, publishing The Communist Manifesto in February 1848.

What is the difference between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat in Marxism?

In Marxism the bourgeoisie are those who own the means of production and buy labour power, while the proletariat are modern wage labourers who own no means of production and must sell their labour power to live. Marx argued the bourgeoisie exploit the proletariat because the worker's labour generates surplus value greater than the worker's wage.

What does Marxism say about alienation and exploitation?

Marxism defines exploitation as surplus labour, the labour performed beyond what a worker receives in goods, and locates the source of capitalist profit in this surplus value. Alienation, or Entfremdung, is the estrangement of people from their humanity, an objective and systematic result of capitalism in which the fruits of production belong to employers.

What are the main schools of Marxism?

The most prominent 20th-century school was Marxism-Leninism, developed after Vladimir Lenin's death as the official ideology of the Soviet Union and other Marxist states. Other traditions include Western Marxism, Marxist humanism born in 1932, and libertarian Marxism, which emphasises anti-authoritarian aspects and rejects the need for a vanguard party.

Why is Marxism criticised?

Marxism has been criticised for lack of internal consistency, for being a form of historical determinism, and for the economic calculation problem identified by Ludwig von Mises. Karl Popper argued it degenerated from a predictive theory into pseudoscientific dogma, while Austrian economists such as Eugen Bohm von Bawerk attacked its labour theory of value.

Which countries have followed Marxism?

The Bolsheviks built the first socialist state after the October Revolution of 1917, and the People's Republic of China was declared in 1949 under Mao Zedong. At the turn of the 21st century China, Cuba, Laos, North Korea, and Vietnam remained the only officially Marxist-Leninist states, after most such states collapsed in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

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All sources

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