Karl Barth
Karl Barth appeared on the cover of Time magazine on the 20th of April 1962 - a Swiss theologian whose arguments about God had somehow broken out of seminaries and lecture halls and into the mainstream of American religious culture. He was not a celebrity preacher or a televangelist. He was an academic who had spent decades writing a work so vast it ran to over six million words and 9,000 pages. What drove a Reformed pastor from a small Swiss industrial village to reshape the Protestant world? How did a man who once sided with textile workers in labor disputes end up writing one of the longest works of systematic theology ever produced? And what do we make of the complicated private life he left behind - one that his own children eventually exposed through a cache of intimate letters?
Karl Barth was born on the 10th of May 1886, in Basel, Switzerland, the son of Fritz Barth, a theology professor and pastor who hoped his son would follow a traditionalist Christian path. That wish collided early with Karl's appetite for the liberal Protestant education then flourishing in German universities. He studied first at the University of Bern, then moved to Berlin to work under Adolf von Harnack, one of the towering figures of liberal theology, before briefly attending Tübingen and finally settling in Marburg under Wilhelm Herrmann.
From 1911 to 1921, Barth served as a Reformed pastor in Safenwil, a village in the canton of Aargau. In 1913 he married Nelly Hoffmann, a violinist. They had a daughter and four sons. Two of the sons, Markus and his brother, became Biblical scholars and theologians themselves.
In Safenwil, Barth found himself doing more than preaching. He threw his support behind the local textile workers, advocating for their rights and unionization. He also entered a public disagreement with a local factory owner. These actions earned him a nickname that followed him for years: the Red Pastor from Safenwil.
The nickname captured something real. Barth's encounter in 1915 with Christoph Blumhardt, leader of the Bad Boll Christian Community and a Social Democratic politician, deepened his sympathies. Barth later said that Blumhardt always began with God's presence, power, and purpose - a formulation that pointed toward the theocentric starting-point Barth would make his own. His neighbor and fellow pastor Eduard Thurneysen became a close intellectual companion during these years, and the two worked together to find a theological foundation more solid than the liberal tradition they had inherited.
In August 1914, Barth opened a document that changed the direction of his life. Ninety-three German intellectuals - including his revered teacher Adolf von Harnack - had signed a manifesto supporting the Kaiser's war aims. Barth was dismayed. He concluded he could no longer follow their reading of the Bible or of history.
The break had been building. Liberal theology, which had dominated nineteenth and early twentieth-century Protestant thought, pursued two parallel projects: applying historical-critical methods to Christian sources, and engaging modern science and philosophy on their own terms. Barth had been shaped by this tradition. Now he found it hollow. Together with Thurneysen, he began searching for what they called a "wholly other" theological foundation than the one Friedrich Schleiermacher had proposed.
In a 1916 lecture delivered in Arau, Barth described his emerging position with unusual imagery. God's righteousness, he said, comes like a trumpet blast from another world that interrupts obligations to nation and interrupts the cultivation of religious feelings. "A 'No' to these assumptions knocks one to the floor, but a 'Yes' to God's righteousness and glory sets one on one's feet again." The method he was developing - Dialectical theology - worked by negation and affirmation simultaneously, refusing to let liberal assumptions settle undisturbed.
Barth began writing his commentary on Paul's letter to the Romans in the summer of 1916, while still at Safenwil. The first edition appeared in December 1918, with a publication date of 1919. The response was enough to earn him an invitation to teach at the University of Göttingen.
Around October 1920, Barth decided the first version of his Romans commentary was not good enough. He spent the next eleven months rewriting it almost entirely, finishing the second edition around September 1921. The book that emerged in 1922 was a different kind of theological statement.
In this thoroughly re-written second edition, Barth argued that the God revealed in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus challenges and overthrows any attempt to ally God with human cultures, achievements, or possessions. This was a direct confrontation with a theology that had come to identify German civilization with divine purpose. The book was republished and reprinted in several languages.
The commentary's influence spread to a remarkable range of readers. Among those Barth shaped were Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Jürgen Moltmann, Helmut Gollwitzer, James H. Cone, Wolfhart Pannenberg, Rudolf Bultmann, Thomas F. Torrance, and Hans Küng. Reinhold Niebuhr and Jacques Ellul also registered his mark, as did novelists including Flannery O'Connor, John Updike, and the Hungarian writer Miklós Szentkuthy. His sway reached into Christian ethics as well, touching the work of Stanley Hauerwas, John Howard Yoder, and Oliver O'Donovan.
On the strength of the Romans commentary, Barth moved through professorships at Göttingen from 1921 to 1925, then Münster from 1925 to 1930, and then Bonn from 1930 to 1935. It was during his time at Göttingen that he first met Charlotte von Kirschbaum, the woman who would share his household for 37 years and become indispensable to his major work.
By 1934, Nazi ideology was pressing hard on the Protestant churches of Germany. Barth drafted the Barmen Declaration - in German, the Barmer Erklärung - as the theological backbone of resistance. He was responsible for virtually the entire text, with only a single phrase written by someone else.
The declaration argued that the church's allegiance to the God of Jesus Christ gave it both the grounds and the resources to resist any competing lord - including the German Führer. Barth mailed this document to Adolf Hitler personally. The Barmen Declaration became one of the founding texts of the Confessing Church, and Barth was elected to its leadership council, the Bruderrat.
The following year he paid a direct price. In 1935, Barth refused to sign the Oath of Loyalty to Hitler without modification. He was removed from his professorship at the University of Bonn. Alongside his colleague Kurt von Fritz, he was one of only two professors who declined to take the oath. The German authorities deported him.
Back in Switzerland and holding a chair at the University of Basel, Barth did not go quiet. The newspaper Neue Zürcher Zeitung published his 1936 criticism of the philosopher Martin Heidegger for supporting the Nazis. In 1938, he wrote to a Czech colleague named Josef Hromádka, declaring that soldiers fighting against Nazi Germany were serving a Christian cause. When a routine question for Swiss civil servants asked whether he supported national defence, he answered: yes, especially on the northern border.
Barth's theological project reached its fullest expression in the Church Dogmatics, published between 1932 and 1967. Five volumes were planned, organized around five doctrines: the Word of God, God himself, Creation, Reconciliation, and Redemption. The completed portions run to over six million words and 9,000 pages, placing it among the longest works of systematic theology ever written. Barth never finished the final part-volume of the fourth section, and the planned fifth volume was never begun.
At the center of the Dogmatics sits Barth's revision of the Reformed doctrine of election, laid out in Church Dogmatics II/2. Classical Calvinist teaching held that God had decreed from eternity that certain individuals would be saved and others damned, and that the reasons behind these choices could not be known. Barth rejected this framing. In his reading, Jesus Christ is both the one elected by God and the one who bears reprobation; he embodies simultaneously God's choice for humanity and God's judgment on human sin. The critic Emil Brunner charged that this revision amounted to a soft universalism.
Barth himself denied he was a universalist. "I do not believe in universalism," he wrote, "but I do believe in Jesus Christ, reconciler of all." He maintained, however, that Christians were permitted - even obligated - to hope for the salvation of all, as a matter of grace. He wrote that one must not claim for oneself what can only be given as a free gift.
On the atonement, Barth began in dialogue with the medieval theologian Anselm of Canterbury and moved progressively further from him across successive volumes of the Dogmatics, ending with a position in which God's mercy always takes the initiative and is identified with God's righteousness in a distinctive way. Charlotte von Kirschbaum, who lived in the family home and worked alongside Barth, played a large role in the writing of this epic.
George Hunsinger, summarizing the relationship in direct terms, wrote that Charlotte von Kirschbaum was Barth's unique student, critic, researcher, adviser, collaborator, companion, assistant, spokesperson, and confidante, and that Barth could not have been what he was, or done what he did, without her.
In 2017, intimate letters written by Barth, von Kirschbaum, and Nelly Barth were released by Barth's children. The letters between von Kirschbaum and Barth from 1925 to 1935 revealed what their editors described as the deep, intense, and overwhelming love between the two. The letters also showed how Barth understood his own situation. He wrote: "The way I am, I never could and still cannot deny either the reality of my marriage or the reality of my love. It is true that I am married, that I am a father and a grandfather. It is also true that I love. And it is true that these two facts don't match."
His answer was not separation on either side. Von Kirschbaum lived in the family home for 37 years. When she died in 1975, Nelly Barth buried her in the family tomb. Nelly herself died the following year.
The publication of these letters in English created a significant crisis among English-speaking followers of Barth. Many had simply not known about the arrangement, and the letters raised pointed questions about the distance between Barth's theological statements on marriage and his own practice. Von Kirschbaum's early financial dependence on Barth added a further dimension to these debates. Princeton Theological Seminary, where Barth had lectured in 1962, houses the Center for Barth Studies, established in 1997, which holds the largest collection of Barth materials in the world.
After the Second World War, Barth took public positions that kept him controversial. Together with Hans Iwand, he authored a 1947 statement - more explicit than the 1945 Stuttgart Declaration of Guilt - arguing that the Protestant church's willingness to side with anti-socialist and conservative forces had made it vulnerable to Nazi ideology. Anti-Communists in the West rejected this framing. East German dissidents thought it did not go far enough in condemning Communism.
In 1950, Barth was elected a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Through the 1950s he sympathized with the peace movement and opposed West German rearmament. The University of Basel exempted him from the regulation that would have ended his professorship when he turned 70 in 1956.
In 1960, he published an article in The Christian Century on the East-West question. He was clear he did not wish to live under Communism or wish it on anyone. Yet he wrote that he regarded anti-communism as a matter of principle an evil even greater than communism itself - a statement that earned him fierce criticism from multiple directions.
His 1962 visit to the United States included lectures at Princeton Theological Seminary, the University of Chicago, Union Theological Seminary, and San Francisco Theological Seminary. He was invited to the Second Vatican Council but could not attend due to his health. He did visit the Vatican and meet the pope in 1967, after which he wrote the small volume Ad Limina Apostolorum.
Barth died on the 10th of December 1968, at his home in Basel. The evening before his death, he told his lifelong friend Eduard Thurneysen not to be downhearted. Things are ruled, he said, not just in Moscow or in Washington or in Peking, but entirely from above, from heaven above.
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Common questions
What is Karl Barth best known for in theology?
Karl Barth is best known for his commentary The Epistle to the Romans, his role in drafting the Barmen Declaration, and his unfinished multi-volume work the Church Dogmatics, published between 1932 and 1967. The Church Dogmatics runs to over six million words and 9,000 pages and is considered one of the longest works of systematic theology ever written.
What was the Barmen Declaration and who wrote it?
The Barmen Declaration was a 1934 theological statement rejecting Nazi influence over German Christianity. Karl Barth was responsible for virtually the entire text, with only a single phrase written by someone else. It became a founding document of the Confessing Church, and Barth mailed a copy to Adolf Hitler personally.
Why was Karl Barth expelled from Germany in 1935?
Barth was deported from Germany in 1935 after refusing to sign the Oath of Loyalty to Adolf Hitler without modification. He was one of only two professors at the University of Bonn who declined to take the oath, the other being Kurt von Fritz. He returned to Switzerland and took a chair at the University of Basel.
Did Karl Barth believe in universal salvation?
Barth denied being a universalist, writing that he did not believe in universalism but did believe in Jesus Christ as reconciler of all. He argued, however, that Christians were permitted to hope for the salvation of all people as a matter of grace, and he rejected the Calvinist idea that damnation is a certainty for most of humanity.
Who was Charlotte von Kirschbaum and what was her role with Karl Barth?
Charlotte von Kirschbaum was Barth's theological colleague, researcher, and long-time companion who lived in the Barth family home for 37 years. Scholar George Hunsinger wrote that Barth could not have been what he was, or done what he did, without her. Intimate letters released in 2017 by Barth's children revealed a decades-long love relationship between the two.
When did Karl Barth appear on the cover of Time magazine?
Karl Barth appeared on the cover of Time magazine on the 20th of April 1962. The cover was a sign that his influence had extended beyond academic and ecclesiastical circles into mainstream American religious culture.
All sources
53 references cited across the entry
- 2Karl Barth and the Barmen Declaration (1934)Wyatt Houtz — 4 April 2018
- 6Karl Barth's Church Dogmatics Original Publication DatesWyatt Houtz — 21 April 2016
- 7Theologian Karl Barth20 April 1962
- 8The Life of Karl Barth: Early Life from Basel to Geneva 1886–1913 (Part 1)Wyatt Houtz — 18 April 2018
- 9The Romans commentary by the Red Pastor of Safenwil: Karl Barth's Epistle to the RomansWyatt Houtz — 3 October 2017
- 10The Life of Karl Barth: Early Life from Basel to Geneva 1886–1913 (Part 2)Wyatt Houtz — 18 April 2018
- 11JournalMan Encountered by the Command of God: the Ethics of Karl BarthMichael Parsons — 1987
- 12BookCommanding Grace: Studies in Karl Barth's EthicsDaniel L. Migliore — W.B. Eerdmans Publishing Company — 15 August 2010
- 17BookKarl Barth: A Life in ConflictChristiane Tietz — Oxford University Press — 25 March 2021
- 18BookChristianity: the Complete Guide, entry 'Liberal theology'John Bowden — Continuum — 2005
- 19BookThe Theology of SchleiermacherKarl Barth — William B Eerdmans Publishing Co and T & T Clark — 1982
- 22BookAction in WaitingChristoph Blumhardt — The Plough Publishing House — 1998
- 23BookKarl Barth: A Life in ConflictChristiane Tietz — Oxford University Press — 2021
- 24BookThe Word of God and TheologyKarl Barth — T&T Clark Continuum — 2011
- 25BookKarl Barth's Church Dogmatics: An Introduction and ReaderMichael Allen — Bloomsbury Publishing — 18 December 2012
- 29JournalThe Barth–Bultmann CorrespondenceH. G. Grau — 1973
- 30Karl Barth's Church Dogmatics Ended At A Single StrokeWyatt Houtz — 23 June 2017
- 31Book of Members, 1780–2010: Chapter BAmerican Academy of Arts and Sciences
- 32Aus der Geschichte der Universität BaselThomas K. Kuhn — Schwabe Verlag — 2009
- 33BookKarl Barth, a Theological LegacyEberhard Jüngel — Westminster Press — 1986
- 35Karl Barth: Against HegemonyTimothy Gorringe — Oxford University Press — 1999
- 36JournalBook Notes: BarthianaFergus Kerr — December 1998
- 38BookThe Quest For Paul's Gospel: A Suggested StrategyDouglas Atchison Campbell — T & T Clark International — 2005
- 39BookReconciled Humanity: Karl Barth in DialogueHans Vium Mikkelsen — Eerdmans — 2010
- 40BookJesus is Victor!: Karl Barth's Doctrine of SalvationDonald G. Bloesch — Wipf and Stock — 2001
- 41JournalKarl Barth's Church Dogmatics on the Atonement: Some Translational ProblemsFrank M. Hasel — Autumn 1991
- 42JournalKarl Barth's Doctrine of the Atonement and UniversalismB. Hoon Woo — 2014
- 43Karl Barth's Rejection of Universalism18 August 2016
- 45BookMary and the Mystery of the Incarnation: An Essay on the Mother of God in the Theology of Karl BarthAndrew Louth — Fairacres — 1977
- 46BookCharlotte Von Kirschbaum and Karl Barth: A Study in Biography and the History of TheologySuzanne Selinger — Penn State Press — 1998
- 49A Bright and Bleak Constellation: Karl Barth, Nelly Barth and Charlotte von KirschbaumWyatt Houtz — 9 October 2017
- 51JournalKarl Barth and Charlotte von KirschbaumChristiane Tietz — 1 July 2017
- 52An Index to the Karl Barth and Charlotte von Kirschbaum Posts: And Some Closing Thoughts on the Whole OrdealBobby Grow — 12 October 2017
- 53JournalThe personal is the (academic) political: Why care about the love lives of theologians?Rachel Muers — August 2020