Indigenous peoples
Indigenous peoples have no single agreed definition, yet estimates of their number range from 250 million to 600 million, and in some counts as high as a billion. They are spread across roughly 5,000 distinct peoples, living in every inhabited climate zone and on every inhabited continent. The English word reaches back to the Latin indigena, meaning sprung from the land, native, built from an old root for in or within joined to a verb meaning to beget or produce. Yet most of these peoples now live as minorities in the very territories their ancestors first inhabited. How did a term that began as a label imposed by Europeans become a banner of self-identification raised across borders? Why do governments from Bangladesh to Indonesia deny that Indigenous peoples exist within their borders at all? And why does a concept used so confidently in the Americas and Australia grow contested the moment it crosses into Asia, Africa, or Europe? The answers run through courtrooms in Japan, caribou herds in the Arctic, and a forest practice the Penan call molong.
Sir Thomas Browne first put the word to use in 1646, writing that the Africans serving under the Spaniard were transported from Africa since the discovery of Columbus, and were not indigenous or proper natives of America. The term was born to separate the original peoples of the Americas from enslaved Africans. By the 1970s its purpose had shifted, linking the struggles of colonized groups across international borders, and the plural peoples was chosen deliberately to honor the differences between them.
No United Nations agency has ever adopted a formal definition. The Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues holds that none is necessary, since any single definition would prove either over-inclusive or under-inclusive, making sense in some societies but not others. The 1989 International Labour Organization convention, known as Convention No. 169, instead treats self-identification as a fundamental criterion, covering peoples descended from populations who inhabited a country at the time of conquest, colonisation, or the drawing of present state boundaries.
Scholars have filled the void with their own definitions. In 1986 to 1987, José Martínez Cobo, a UN Special Rapporteur, framed Indigenous communities as those with a historical continuity to pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies, now forming non-dominant sectors determined to pass their ancestral territories and ethnic identity to future generations. In 2004, the human rights law professor James Anaya called them living descendants of pre-invasion inhabitants of lands now dominated by others, culturally distinct groups engulfed by settler societies born of empire and conquest. In 2012, Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang proposed a sharper test: Indigenous peoples are those who have creation stories, not colonization stories, about how they came to be in a place.
Not everyone trusts the word. The anthropologist Manvir Singh argues the term may lack coherence, pointing to inconsistencies in which groups get called Indigenous, and warns it can act as a relabeling of discredited colonial ideas about primitive people. Some Indigenous people, Singh notes, feel pressure to appear primordial and unchanging, which erases their complex modern identities. That tension between recognition and caricature returns wherever the term travels.
The Sámi of northern Norway, Sweden, Finland, and northwestern Russia are described by some sources as the only recognized Indigenous people in the European Union. The concept is rarely used in Europe at all, and groups such as the Sorbs, who might fit the 1989 convention, are filed instead under national minorities. Across Asia and Africa, the picture fractures further, and many states refuse the label outright.
In Russia, the definition is contested and tied to a population cap. Peoples numbering more than 50,000, such as the Sakha and the Komi, fall outside the legal protections, so the government recognizes only 40 ethnic groups as Indigenous even though about 30 others could qualify. The Bangladeshi government has flatly stated that there are no Indigenous peoples in Bangladesh, angering the peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, collectively known as the Jumma.
Indonesia denies the existence of Indigenous peoples within its borders entirely. In 2012 it declared that it supports the protection of Indigenous people worldwide but does not recognize the application of the concept inside the country. A local advocacy group, Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara, classifies 50 to 70 million people as Indigenous. The contradiction is starkest in West New Guinea, where a conservative estimate places violent deaths at 100,000 people since Indonesian occupation in 1963.
Elsewhere the label is sliced into euphemisms. Thailand speaks of hill tribes, India of scheduled tribes, China of national minorities, the Philippines of cultural minorities, and Indonesia of isolated and alien peoples. Vietnam recognizes the Cham only as a minority, not as Indigenous, despite their descent from the conquered state of Champa. That refusal to name carries consequences felt far beyond paperwork.
In 1492 the population of the Americas as a whole stood at roughly 50 to 100 million. By 1700, introduced diseases had cut the native population by 90 percent. The arithmetic of catastrophe is written into the numbers: by 1800, North America held about 5 million Europeans and their descendants, one million Africans, and just 600,000 Indigenous Americans.
From 1492, the Arawak peoples of the Caribbean met Spanish colonizers led by Christopher Columbus, who enslaved some and forced others into the labor system called encomienda. In the 1520s the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire was aided by smallpox and by allies such as the Cempoalans and Tlaxcalans. In 1530 the Spanish sailed south to the Inca Empire, already weakened by smallpox and civil war, defeated them at Cajamarca in 1532, and executed the emperor Atahualpa. They captured the capital of Cuzco and put down an Inca rebellion in 1537.
The newcomers brought more than weapons. Pigs, horses, mules, sheep, and cattle arrived alongside wheat, barley, rye, oats, grasses, and grapevines. These exotic animals and plants radically transformed local environments and disrupted traditional agriculture and hunting.
The Pacific followed a similar arc a century or two later. The people of Tahiti met the expeditions of Wallis in 1766, Bougainville in 1768, and Cook in 1769. Hawaiians first encountered Europeans in 1778 when Cook explored the islands, and the United States annexed their lands in 1893. The Māori met Cook's parties in 1769 to 1770, and their population fell to around 40 percent of its pre-contact level during the 19th century, with introduced diseases the major factor. Australia was progressively colonized by the British from 1788, and by 1850 Indigenous peoples were a minority there. The legal architecture that justified all this would itself become a battleground.
From the 15th to the 19th centuries, European powers leaned on a handful of rationales for colonizing inhabited lands: a duty to spread the Gospel, a mission to civilize barbarians, a natural law right to trade freely, and a right to settle land they declared terra nullius, no one's land. Scholars including Robert J. Miller and Tracey Lindberg trace the discovery doctrine to papal decrees authorizing Spain and Portugal to conquer non-Christian lands and convert their populations.
Kent McNeil complicates that account, noting that while Spain and Portugal favored discovery and papal grants, France and Britain relied more on symbolic acts, colonial charters, and occupation. Benton and Strauman argue that powers often adopted multiple, sometimes contradictory legal rationales as a deliberate strategy against European rivals.
Independence did not end the doctrine. Settlers in thirteen British American colonies won their autonomy by 1783, yet the new United States adopted a version of the discovery doctrine as law in 1823, in the Supreme Court case Johnson v. McIntosh. The court held that discovery gave an exclusive right to extinguish the Indian title of occupancy, by purchase or by conquest, and justified the loss by invoking the superior genius of Europe and the supposed compensation of civilization and Christianity.
The doctrine has since been rejected in at least one high court. In Australia, the landmark case Mabo v Queensland (No 2) saw the High Court reject terra nullius, recognizing a pre-existing system of law practiced by the Meriam people. That recognition, won in a courtroom, points toward the modern instruments meant to secure such rights everywhere.
By 2013, the 1989 ILO Convention on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples had been ratified by 22 countries, mainly in Latin America. It concerns non-discrimination but also covers rights to development, customary laws, lands, territories, resources, employment, education, and health. Its companion, the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, specifies collective rights including self-determination and the protection of cultures, languages, and ceremonies.
The declaration carries real weight and real limits. It has been endorsed by at least 148 states, yet it is not a formally binding treaty, and its provisions have not been consistently implemented. Some provisions might be considered customary international law.
Recognition does not guarantee land. Even where rights are acknowledged, land titling and demarcation are often delayed, or the state leases the land as concessions to extractive industries without consulting Indigenous communities. In Russia, many Sakha people have lost their lands under the Russian Homestead Act, which allows any citizen to claim land in the Far Eastern region.
New bodies keep forming. The first meeting of the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations fell on the 9th of August 1982, a date now marked as the International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples. In May 2016, the Fifteenth Session of the UN Permanent Forum affirmed that Indigenous peoples are entitled to special protection because they remain vulnerable to exploitation, forced assimilation, and genocide. At the 2024 Biodiversity Conference, known as COP16, nations agreed to a new permanent body letting Indigenous peoples advise biodiversity meetings directly. Whether that voice reaches the ground depends on what happens to the land itself.
An often-cited statistic claims that Indigenous peoples steward lands holding 80 percent of the world's biodiversity. In 2024, Fernández-Llamazares and colleagues investigated that figure in Nature and found it without basis, warning that it could undermine rigorous studies and effective conservation. With a tighter definition such as natural lands, meaning lands with low ecological disturbance, at least 37 percent of remaining natural lands fall within Indigenous territories.
The romance can cut as sharply as the dispossession. Among the eastern Penan of Malaysia, the practice of molong means never taking more than necessary, a system in which people take ownership of specific trees and harvest from them sustainably over long periods. Environmentalists, the writer Brosius argues, repackaged this into a spiritual narrative of forest spirits and sacred rivers, and recast practical landscape names as mysticism. The eastern Penan, in reality, do not identify a medicinal stream of knowledge at all.
These fictions carry a hidden cost. When outsiders extend Indigenous knowledge into meanings that western consumers find spiritually profound, they can contribute to cultural genocide, as actual beliefs are disappeared and replaced with a westernized fiction. A view of wilderness as uninhabited nature has even driven the removal of Indigenous inhabitants to preserve the wild, after which the absence of practices like controlled burns and seed scattering leaves dense, inhospitable understory.
The stakes are concrete where energy and water are at issue. In the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, the Gwich'in rely on caribou herds that oil drilling could destroy, while some Inupiat favor drilling for economic gain. In the Amazon, the Munduruku oppose the Tapajós dam with the help of Greenpeace. The same forces reach the body itself.
Suicide rates among Inuit youth in Canada run eleven times higher than the national average. The first UN report on the State of the World's Indigenous Peoples gathered statistics like this from across the globe, and the pattern holds in rich and poor countries alike. Native Americans in the United States are 600 times more likely to acquire tuberculosis and 62 percent more likely to die by suicide than the non-Indian population.
The World Health Organization warned in 2003 that statistical data on Indigenous health is scarce, especially in Africa, Asia, and eastern Europe. The snapshots that exist still point one way: higher diabetes in parts of Australia, poor sanitation and unsafe water among Twa households in Rwanda, more childbirths without prenatal care among ethnic minorities in Vietnam, and higher infant mortality for Indigenous peoples everywhere.
The roots of this run deeper than medicine. Poorer health follows from longstanding poverty and racism, but also from the intentional marginalization and dispossession of Indigenous peoples by dominant populations and structures. Many causes of Indigenous children's deaths could be prevented.
The WHO's commitment grew out of a wider effort. In December 1993 the UN General Assembly proclaimed the International Decade of the World's Indigenous People, beginning in December 1994, prompting the WHO to establish a core advisory group of Indigenous representatives with special knowledge of their communities' health needs. That advisory group set the precedent that the people most affected should help shape the remedy, the same principle now carried into biodiversity meetings half a world away.
Common questions
What is the definition of Indigenous peoples?
There is no generally accepted definition of Indigenous peoples in the United Nations or international law. In the 21st century the focus has been on self-identification, cultural difference from other groups in a state, a special relationship with traditional territory, and an experience of subjugation and discrimination under a dominant cultural model.
How many Indigenous peoples are there in the world?
Estimates of the population of Indigenous peoples range from 250 million to 600 million, with some counts reaching as high as a billion. They comprise some 5,000 distinct peoples spread across every inhabited climate zone and inhabited continent.
Where does the word Indigenous come from?
Indigenous derives from the Latin word indigena, meaning sprung from the land, native. The Latin indigena combines the Old Latin indu, meaning in or within, with gignere, meaning to beget or produce.
Who first used the term indigenous for a group of people?
Sir Thomas Browne first used the term in 1646, writing that Africans serving under the Spaniard were transported from Africa and were not indigenous or proper natives of America. Europeans used it to differentiate the Indigenous peoples of the Americas from enslaved Africans.
What international laws protect the rights of Indigenous peoples?
The 1989 International Labour Organization Convention on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples, known as Convention No. 169, protects Indigenous peoples from discrimination and specifies rights to lands, resources, employment, education, and health. In 2007 the United Nations adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, endorsed by at least 148 states, affirming the right to self-determination.
Why do some governments deny that Indigenous peoples exist in their countries?
Several governments reject the label or apply restrictive criteria. Bangladesh has stated there are no Indigenous peoples in the country, Indonesia denies the concept applies within its borders despite a local group classifying 50 to 70 million people as Indigenous, and Russia recognizes only 40 ethnic groups, excluding peoples numbering more than 50,000 such as the Sakha and Komi.
How did European colonization affect Indigenous populations in the Americas?
In 1492 the population of the Americas was about 50 to 100 million, but by 1700 introduced diseases had reduced the native population by 90 percent. By 1800, North America held about 5 million Europeans and their descendants, one million Africans, and 600,000 Indigenous Americans.
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