Scholars have debated the true origin of Inanna's name since the first cuneiform tablets were unearthed in the late 19th century. The word appears to derive from a Proto-Euphratean root, suggesting she may have been worshipped before Sumerian became the dominant language of southern Iraq. Some early Assyriologists proposed that Inanna was originally a goddess who entered the Sumerian pantheon after it was already fully structured. This theory gained traction because her youthfulness and lack of an initial distinct sphere of responsibilities set her apart from other deities. Modern scholars largely reject the idea of a Proto-Euphratean substrate language, yet the linguistic puzzle remains unsolved. The name Inanna itself does not appear as a ligature of the signs for lady and sky, despite earlier assumptions. Instead, the cuneiform sign for Inanna is a hook-shaped twisted knot of reeds representing the doorpost of a storehouse. This symbol points to fertility and plenty rather than a simple title like Lady of Heaven. The Akkadian version of her name, Ishtar, occurs in personal names from both pre-Sargonic and post-Sargonic eras across Akkad, Assyria, and Babylonia. It is of Semitic derivation and likely relates to the West Semitic god Attar mentioned in later inscriptions from Ugarit and southern Arabia. During the reign of Sargon of Akkad, these two formerly separate entities became so extensively syncretized that they were regarded as effectively the same goddess under two different names.
Worship And Ritual Practice
The Eanna temple at Uruk served as the primary cult center for Inanna during the fourth millennium BCE. Votive objects found within this sanctuary indicate she was a popular deity among women throughout ancient Mesopotamia. Individuals who practiced gender nonconformity were heavily involved in the cult of Inanna, performing elegies and lamentations in temples dedicated to her. Men who became gala priests sometimes adopted female names, and their songs were composed in the Sumerian dialect reserved for female speech. Some Sumerian proverbs suggest these priests had reputations for engaging in anal sex with men. During the Akkadian period, gala servants dressed in female clothing and performed war dances in Ishtar's temples. Several Akkadian proverbs imply they may have also had homosexual proclivities. Anthropologist Gwendolyn Leick has compared these individuals to contemporary Indian hijra. A long-held belief held that the cult involved a sacred marriage ritual where a king would take on the role of Dumuzid and engage in sexual intercourse with the high priestess. This view has been challenged by modern scholars who argue the ritual likely involved only symbolic intercourse if it occurred at all. Hierodules known as qadištu are reported to have worked in Ishtar's temples, but it is unclear if such priestesses actually performed any sex acts. Women across the ancient Near East worshipped Ishtar by dedicating cakes baked in ashes known as kisallu. Clay cake molds discovered at Mari are shaped like naked women with large hips clutching their breasts. These molds may have produced cakes intended as representations of Ishtar herself.