Energy economics
Energy economics sits at the center of nearly every decision a modern society makes, yet most people have never heard its name. Vaclav Smil, an interdisciplinary scientist, put it bluntly: "every economic activity is fundamentally nothing but a conversion of one kind of energy to another, and monies are just a convenient (and often rather unrepresentative) proxy for valuing the energy flows." That is a striking claim. It means the price of your electricity bill, the cost of filling up a car, the heating of a hospital -- all of it is, at its core, a question of energy economics.
This is a field that asks: what does it actually cost to deliver a unit of useful energy, and what does that energy accomplish? It measures outputs not in abstract dollars but in lumens of light, degrees of warmth, or cubic meters of natural gas delivered. And it draws on geology, engineering, political science, and ecology to answer questions that no single discipline could handle alone.
Why does saving energy so rarely produce the savings we expect? Why do markets systematically under-invest in efficiency even when the math says they should not? And how did a quiet academic concern about coal reserves in the 1860s grow into a global field with more than 4,500 members in over 100 countries? Those are the threads this documentary will follow.
In 1865, W.S. Jevons published The Coal Question. He was worried that Britain's industrial power rested on a finite resource, and that eventually the coal would run out. That worry planted a seed, but it took another century before energy economics became an active field of inquiry.
The 1973 oil crisis was the turning point. When oil-producing nations curtailed supply and prices surged, economists who had treated energy as a background assumption suddenly had to put it front and center. The crisis forced a reckoning: energy was not just a production input; it was a political and economic force in its own right.
One of the earliest theoretical pillars came from H. Hotelling, who worked out how prices for non-renewable resources should behave over time. His result, now called Hotelling's rule, described a rational price path for exhaustible resources like fossil fuels. It gave economists a formal framework to think about the long-run economics of coal, oil, and natural gas.
From the 1860s onward, a nagging observation haunted engineers and economists alike. Every time a new technology made energy use more efficient, the total amount of energy consumed did not fall by the amount the efficiency gain would predict. People simply used more.
This pattern, which became known as the rebound effect, has three distinct layers. The direct rebound effect describes what happens when a service becomes cheaper to run: people use it more often. Cheaper lighting leads to more hours of illumination. A more fuel-efficient car becomes cheaper per mile, so people drive further.
The indirect rebound effect operates through income. When a household spends less on heating, that freed-up money gets spent on something else -- and that something else usually consumes energy too. The third layer is economy-wide: as new technology lowers the cost of energy services, demand rises across the economy, which can push energy prices back up. Together, these three forces explain why efficiency improvements so consistently deliver less savings than engineers promise.
By the 1980s and 1990s, a second major concept had taken shape: the energy efficiency gap. Markets were leaving enormous efficiency investments on the table, even when those investments would have paid for themselves many times over.
In theory, a rational decision-maker with perfect information should weigh the upfront cost of an efficiency upgrade against the long-run energy savings and choose the option that comes out ahead. In practice, that calculation breaks down. Environmental externalities -- costs imposed on others that do not appear in the price a buyer pays -- distort the economics. Uncertainty about future energy prices makes long-term investments harder to justify.
The result is a persistent gap between the efficiency level that markets actually achieve and the level that would be optimal if all costs and benefits were properly priced. Identifying and measuring that gap, and figuring out how to close it, became a central preoccupation of the field.
The efficiency gap framework assumed, at least implicitly, that consumers behave rationally; they just face the wrong price signals. But by the 1990s and into the current era, researchers were finding something more troubling: even with better information and better prices, people often do not behave in their own stated interest.
Growing concern about climate change made this visible in new ways. Consumers were expressing alarm about environmental impacts but failing to act consistently on those concerns. Economists began treating this as a behavioural anomaly rather than a market failure in the traditional sense.
Thaler and Sunstein gave a name to one class of policy responses in 2008: "green nudges." The concept described government interventions that reshape choices without mandating them. Feedback on energy bills -- showing households how their consumption compares to their neighbours -- is a classic example. It does not change prices or impose penalties. It changes the information environment in a way that tends to shift behaviour. Research in energy economics has since moved significantly toward understanding those behavioural levers as a tool for closing the efficiency gap.
The International Association for Energy Economics was founded in 1977, during the period of the energy crisis that had galvanized the field a few years earlier. Incorporated under United States laws with headquarters in Cleveland, the IAEE now counts more than 4,500 members in over 100 countries.
The organization runs through a 17-member Council of elected and appointed members who serve in voluntary positions. It maintains more than 25 national chapters, covering countries where membership tops 25 individuals. Among the active national chapters are USAEE in the United States, GEE in Germany, BIEE in Great Britain, AEE in France, and AIEE in Italy.
The IAEE publishes three regular outlets: The Energy Journal, a quarterly academic publication; the Economics of Energy and Environmental Policy, which appears twice a year; and the Energy Forum. Typically, five conferences take place each year. The flagship IAEE International Conference has rotated across the globe since 1996, with recent stops in Montreal, Groningen, Singapore, Bergen, and Antalya. The 2020 conference did not take place, and 2021 moved online.
As of December 2016, the field's top-ranked researchers included Martin L. Weitzman, Lutz Kilian, Robert S. Pindyck, David M. Newbery, and Kenneth J. Arrow. The list of the top twenty also included Richard S.J. Tol, Severin Borenstein, Richard G. Newell, Michael Greenstone, and Robert Norman Stavins, among others.
On the institutional side, three universities stand out as the top research destinations: the University of Cambridge, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Resources for the Future holds the position of top research institute.
The leading academic journals in the field include Energy Economics, The Energy Journal, and Resource and Energy Economics. Progress has also been driven by the model comparison exercises of the Stanford Energy Modeling Forum and the meetings of the International Energy Workshop. The Energy Journal gives out the Campbell Watkins Best Paper Award, named for a contributor whose work the association honors annually alongside other prizes for journalism and outstanding contributions to the profession.
Energy economics today ranges across questions that touch almost every corner of public and private life. Climate change and climate policy sit near the top of the agenda, alongside demand response, energy forecasting, and the liberalisation and re-regulation of electricity markets.
At the microeconomic level, the field examines households and businesses -- how they make energy choices, how responsive they are to price signals, and what barriers keep them from making efficient decisions. At the macroeconomic level, the concerns shift to resource management, environmental impacts, and the relationship between energy use and economic growth.
The field draws on computable general equilibrium models, input-output analysis, operations research, and environmental economics, among other tools. It borrows freely from energy engineering, geology, and political science. The University of Cambridge, MIT, and Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam train new researchers in this cross-disciplinary tradition -- and some universities now offer energy economics as a formal curriculum, recognising it as a career path in its own right.
Common questions
What is energy economics and what does it study?
Energy economics is a scientific subject area that examines the supply and use of energy in societies, including the cost of energy services and the efficiency at which energy can be produced. It covers topics ranging from household energy decisions at the microeconomic level to resource management and environmental impacts at the macroeconomic level. The field draws on economics, engineering, geology, political science, and ecology.
What is the rebound effect in energy economics?
The rebound effect describes the pattern in which improvements in energy efficiency produce less actual energy saving than expected, because people increase their use of the more efficient service. It has three sub-forms: the direct rebound (greater use of the improved service), the indirect rebound (savings get spent on other energy-consuming goods), and an economy-wide effect from broader demand increases.
What is the energy efficiency gap?
The energy efficiency gap refers to the persistent difference between the level of energy efficiency that markets actually achieve and the optimal level a rational, fully informed decision-maker would choose. It arises from market failures, environmental externalities, and uncertainty about future energy prices, which discourage optimal investment in efficiency improvements.
What are green nudges in energy economics?
Green nudges are government interventions, coined by Thaler and Sunstein in 2008, that reshape consumer choices without mandating them. An example is providing feedback on energy bills that shows households how their consumption compares to neighbours. They are designed to address behavioural anomalies that the energy efficiency gap framework did not fully account for.
When was the International Association for Energy Economics founded and how large is it?
The International Association for Energy Economics was founded in 1977, during the energy crisis. It has over 4,500 members worldwide across more than 100 countries, and operates more than 25 national chapters. It is incorporated under United States laws and is headquartered in Cleveland.
What publications does the IAEE produce?
The IAEE publishes three regular publications: The Energy Journal, a quarterly academic journal; the Economics of Energy and Environmental Policy, a semi-annual publication; and the Energy Forum. The Energy Journal also presents the Campbell Watkins Best Paper Award annually.
All sources
14 references cited across the entry
- 2journalEnergy services: A conceptual reviewMichael James Fell — 2017-05-01
- 3bookEnergy and Civilization: A HistoryVaclav Smil — MIT Press — 2017
- 4journalThe Economics of Exhaustible ResourcesH. Hotelling — 1931
- 5citationThe Economics of Energy Efficiency, a Historical PerspectiveLouis-Gaëtan Giraudet et al. — 2019
- 6journalTechnological innovation, energy efficient design and the rebound effectHorace Herring et al. — 2007-04-01
- 7journalExplaining the energy efficiency gap - Expected Utility Theory versus Cumulative Prospect TheoryBjörn Häckel et al. — 2017-12-01
- 8bookNudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth, and HappinessRichard Thaler et al. — Penguin Group Australia — 2009