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— CH. 1 · INTRODUCTION —

Deep South

~10 min read · Ch. 1 of 7
7 sections
  • The Deep South carries a name that implies something more than geography. Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina form its core, but the region's identity was never simply a matter of latitude. It was shaped by what grew in its soil, by who worked that soil under force, and by the political contests that followed when that system collapsed.

    Before 1945, most Americans called this place the Cotton States. The name was blunt and accurate. Cotton was the cash engine, supplemented by rice in Georgia and South Carolina and sugar in Louisiana. The plantation system that drove this economy rested entirely on the forced labor of enslaved African Americans, and the five core states were the ones most thoroughly organized around that fact.

    What followed the end of that system in 1865 would define the region for well over a century. Reconstruction, the Ku Klux Klan, Jim Crow, the Great Migration, the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s, and a sweeping political realignment that continues to reverberate today. Each chapter of that story left its mark on the land and the people.

    The region Booker T. Washington wrote about in 1901, the one defined by its dark, rich soil and its history of concentrated slave labor, is still recognizable. The geological formation at its heart, the Black Belt, stretches through Alabama and Mississippi, and it gave the region both its agricultural power and one of its most contested place names. How the Deep South became what it is, and how it keeps changing, is the story this documentary sets out to tell.

  • South Carolina's founding planter class did not arrive from England. They migrated from the British Caribbean island of Barbados, and they brought with them a specific legal instrument: the Barbados Slave Code of 1661, which they used as a model to control the African American slave population in the new colony. Barbados had been supplying sugar produced by slave labor to Europe and North America for decades, and the planters who moved to South Carolina carried that entire economic and social logic with them.

    Georgia took a different initial path. James Oglethorpe founded the colony as a buffer state against Spanish Florida, imagining it populated by what he called sturdy farmers who could guard the border. The colony's original charter banned slavery outright. That ban lasted until 1751, and Georgia became a royal colony the following year. Within a generation, it had adopted the plantation model its neighbors were already running.

    By the time of the American Revolution, South Carolina and Georgia were majority African American in population. In 1765, London philanthropist Dr. John Fothergill observed that British colonists south of Maryland resembled the people of the Caribbean far more than those to the north. A visiting French dignitary agreed in 1810, noting that American customs seemed entirely changed once one crossed the Potomac River.

    The plantation system itself had originated in the Caribbean West Indies before arriving in South Carolina and Louisiana, and from those two entry points it spread across the Deep South. The inner core of that spread ran along what geologists call the Black Belt, a band of naturally rich dark soil that made cotton cultivation exceptionally productive. Booker T. Washington, writing in his 1901 autobiography, recalled being asked to define the term. He traced it first to the color of the soil, then noted that since the Civil War, it had become used primarily in a political sense, to designate counties where Black people outnumbered white.

  • When the Civil War ended in 1865, the region's economy was in ruin. The Reconstruction era brought emancipated enslaved people and Free Blacks into state governments across the South, protected by the Federal government and the Union Army. That period of political participation directly provoked the creation and growth of the Ku Klux Klan and similar white paramilitary groups.

    The Compromise of 1877 ended that federal protection. After Reconstruction, a small fraction of the white population, wealthy landowners, merchants, and bankers, came to control both the economy and the politics of the region. Most white farmers were poor and worked their own land by hand. As cotton prices fell, their work grew harder. Shifting from self-sufficient farms based on corn and pigs to cash crops of cotton or tobacco doubled the hours required per harvest. Many farmers lost the freedom to choose what they grew, fell into debt, and were eventually forced into tenancy.

    Starting with Mississippi in 1890, all Southern states passed new constitutions and laws that effectively stripped most Black Americans, and many poor whites, of the vote. The white Democratic-dominated legislatures then passed Jim Crow laws that imposed strict segregation of public facilities. Political expert Kevin Phillips notes that from the end of Reconstruction until 1948, the Deep South Black Belt counties, where only whites could vote, were the nation's leading Democratic Party bastions.

    The growing discontent among poor white farmers during this period gave rise to the Populist movement in the early 1890s. It was a form of class conflict in which those farmers sought greater economic and political power. That movement would ultimately be absorbed into the broader Democratic coalition, but the underlying pressure it represented never fully disappeared.

  • Three Southern states held populations that were majority Black at various points in the 19th and early 20th centuries: Louisiana from 1810 until about 1890, South Carolina until the 1920s, and Mississippi from the 1830s to the 1930s. Georgia, Alabama, and Florida were each nearly 50% Black in that same period. Those demographics would shift profoundly across the 20th century.

    During two waves of the Great Migration, from 1916 through 1970, more than six million African Americans left the South for the Northeast, Midwest, and West, fleeing oppression and violence. One in five of Florida's Black residents had left the state by 1940 alone. More than six and a half million eventually made the journey, heading first to Northern and Midwestern industrial cities and later west to California.

    After 1950, the Deep South became a central battleground of the Civil Rights Movement. The 1955 Montgomery bus boycott, the work of Martin Luther King Jr., the founding of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in 1960, and the 1964 Freedom Summer all took place within the region. These efforts built toward Lyndon B. Johnson's work in securing Congressional approval for the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

    The decades since have brought what scholars call a reverse New Great Migration. Black Americans have been moving back to southern states, but typically to destinations in the New South, where employment and economic conditions are strongest. Atlanta, now the sixth largest metropolitan area in the United States and the Deep South's largest population center, has been a primary destination in that return.

  • For decades, the phrase Solid South described the Deep South's near-total loyalty to the Democratic Party. White conservative voters supported Democratic candidates not because they shared those candidates' national views, but because Democratic control at the state level was the mechanism for maintaining white supremacy and Jim Crow laws. Journalist Matthew Yglesias has described this arrangement precisely: conservative white Southerners with views on taxes, moral values, and national security that aligned with neither party's national platform voted Democratic as a strategy for preserving local racial hierarchies.

    The 1928 presidential election showed early cracks. Al Smith faced serious backlash as a Catholic candidate, yet he carried all five Deep South states, though he nearly lost Alabama. The real break came in 1948, when Black Belt whites began trying to lead the Deep South out of the Democratic Party. Kevin Phillips observed that voters in the upcountry, piney woods, and bayou areas felt less hostility toward New Deal and Fair Deal economic policies and kept the Deep South in the Democratic presidential column for another decade.

    The Goldwater-Johnson election of 1964 marked the decisive turn. Political scientist Seth McKee concluded that Goldwater's high support in the Deep South, and especially in Black Belt counties, reflected the enduring force of white resistance to Black political progress. In 1968, George Wallace carried all five Deep South states except South Carolina, plus Arkansas. Kevin Phillips described the Black Belt results that year as showing racial polarization that was practically complete, with Black voters going to Hubert Humphrey and white voters to Wallace, while Republican nominee Nixon received almost no support.

    In 1995, Georgia Republican Newt Gingrich was elected Speaker of the House by a Republican-dominated chamber, and by 2014 Republicans swept every statewide office in the Deep South in the midterm elections. The incumbent Speaker of the House since October 2023 is Republican Mike Johnson of Louisiana.

  • Georgia occupies a singular position in the contemporary Deep South. It is the most populous and urbanized state in the region. Atlanta, its capital, ranks sixth among all metropolitan statistical areas in the United States, with a metro area population of more than six million residents.

    For much of the late 20th century, Georgia followed the regional pattern of voting Republican in presidential contests. Georgia native Jimmy Carter won the state for the Democrats in both 1976 and 1980. Bill Clinton, an Arkansas native, won Georgia in 1992. After that, the state voted Republican through the following cycles until 2020, when Joe Biden carried it. In the January 2021 Senate runoff elections, Georgia voters chose two Democrats: Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock. Warnock subsequently won re-election to a full term.

    In 2024, Republican Donald Trump won Georgia by a margin of 2.2%. Republicans currently hold every Georgia statewide office, its state Supreme Court, and its state legislature. The state is now classified as a swing state, a designation that would have been unthinkable for most of the Solid South era.

    The broader regional picture remains strongly Republican. Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and South Carolina have voted Republican in every presidential election since 2000. The 2014 midterm sweep gave Republicans control of all state legislatures in the region, as well as all House seats not representing majority-minority districts. That alignment reflects the trajectory historian Thomas Sugrue traces: the political and cultural shifts of the late 20th century, combined with the easing of legal racial segregation, gradually aligned white Deep South voters with a party that matched their broader ideological preferences, a process that took decades to complete and whose endpoint, at least in Georgia, remains unsettled.

  • The Deep South's climate is subtropical, defined by long, hot summers and short, mild winters. The 35th parallel north marks the northern boundary of the subtropics and runs along the southern border of Tennessee and the border between North Carolina and Georgia, placing the region's core squarely in that climatic zone.

    Growing seasons of at least six months before the first frost are common throughout the region, which partly explains why plantation agriculture was so productive. The closer one gets to the Gulf Coast, the more pronounced those subtropical characteristics become. The region substantially overlaps with the natural range of the American alligator and the bald cypress. Common environments include bayous, swamplands, and the southern pine forests. Proximity to the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic Ocean makes the region vulnerable to hurricanes, which are a frequently-occurring natural disaster.

    The Mississippi Delta, the alluvial plain west of the Yazoo River, has been called the Most Southern Place on Earth, a phrase that points to its distinctive combination of racial, cultural, and economic history. South Florida, despite being the southernmost part of the continental United States, is not considered part of the Deep South. Its tropical climate and high levels of migration from the Caribbean and Latin America, particularly in the Miami metropolitan area, place it in a different cultural category.

    Hispanic and Latino Americans began arriving in the Deep South in significant numbers during the 1990s, and their population has grown rapidly since. In the 1980 census, white residents of the Deep South who reported a single European ancestry most often identified as English, with the notable exception of Louisiana, where more white residents identified as French. Louisiana's French-identifying population in that census was 480,711 out of roughly 2.3 million single-ancestry respondents, with English-only respondents close behind at 440,558.

Common questions

What states are in the Deep South?

The core states of the Deep South are Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina. East Texas, North Florida, the Arkansas Delta, South Arkansas, West Tennessee, and the southern part of North Carolina are sometimes included as well.

Why was the Deep South called the Cotton States?

Before 1945, the Deep South was commonly called the Cotton States because cotton was the primary cash crop for economic production in the region. Rice was also important in Georgia and South Carolina, and sugar in Louisiana.

What is the Black Belt region of the Deep South?

The Black Belt is a geological formation of naturally rich, dark soil that runs through the inner core of the Deep South and historically supported cotton plantations. Booker T. Washington explained in his 1901 autobiography that the term originated from the soil's color, then shifted after the Civil War to describe counties where Black people outnumbered white residents.

How did the Deep South shift from Democratic to Republican?

The shift began in the 1964 presidential election, when a significant contingent of white conservative voters in the Deep South stopped supporting national Democratic candidates and began voting Republican, accelerating with George Wallace's 1968 campaign. By 2014, Republicans swept every statewide office in the Deep South midterm elections and came to control all state legislatures in the region.

What role did the Deep South play in the Civil Rights Movement?

The Deep South was the central arena of the Civil Rights Movement after 1950. Key events included the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott, the 1960 founding of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and the 1964 Freedom Summer. These efforts contributed to Lyndon B. Johnson securing Congressional approval for the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

What caused the Great Migration out of the Deep South?

African Americans left the Deep South in two waves between 1916 and 1970, totaling more than six million people, to escape racial oppression, violence, and the economic hardship of the segregated South. They sought better employment opportunities and living conditions in Northern and Midwestern industrial cities and later in California. One-fifth of Florida's Black population had left the state by 1940.

All sources

41 references cited across the entry

  1. 1webThe Origins of the Lower SouthDarcy Fryer — Lehigh University
  2. 2bookThe Reintegration of American HistoryWilliam Freehling — Oxford University Press — 1994
  3. 5journalRace And Civil War In South FloridaIrvin Solomon — 1998
  4. 6webCottonRandal Rust
  5. 8bookThe Arkansas Delta: Land of ParadoxUniversity of Arkansas Press — 1996
  6. 9bookArkansas Politics and GovernmentDiane D. Blair et al. — University of Nebraska Press — 2005
  7. 13bookAway Down South A History of Southern IdentityJames C. Cobb — Oxford University Press — 2005
  8. 14web1860 Census of Population and HousingCensus.gov — January 7, 2009
  9. 15bookFlorida. A Guide to the Southernmost StateFederal Writers' Project — Oxford University Press — 1939
  10. 17webOfficials want South Florida to break off into its own stateAdrienne Cutway — 21 October 2014
  11. 20bookUp From SlaveryBooker T. Washington — 1901
  12. 22bookAmerica's Newcomers and the Dynamics of DiversityFrank D. Bean — Russell Sage Foundation — 2003
  13. 23encyclopediaBlack Belt/PrairieCharles Reagan Wilson — 10 October 2017
  14. 26bookThe Two Reconstructions: The Struggle for Black EnfranchisementRichard M. Valelly — University of Chicago Press — October 2, 2009